Creating CARE and Sustaining Well-Being: Reflections from Queer Organizing across South & Southeast Asia

We are so excited to share with you Creating CARE and Sustaining Well-Being: Reflections from Queer Organizing across South and Southeast Asia!

A collaborative endeavor by Rima Athar, Liy Yusof and Sonaksha Iyengar–this publication illustrates conversations & reflections on building a framework for action on holistic well-being for activists, which emerged at the CARE Regional Synthesis Meeting organized by CSBR | the Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies, and APTN | the Asia Pacific Transgender Network, in Chiang Mai in November 2018.

As the final step of the year long CARE program, the Regional Synthesis Meeting brought together 23 activists from 19 organizations across Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand, Timor Leste, and Vietnam. Some had been involved in previous CARE interventions, and some were new to the program.

Over the 5 days together we explored theory and analysis, embodied somatic practices, reflective discussions, and the strategic application of shared learnings to our daily personal and organizing experiences. As such, the convening created a dynamic space for us to reflect and delve deeper into how a holistic approach to well-being could sustain queer organizing across the regions.

Co-facilitated by Rima Athar (CSBR), Hua Boonyapisomparn (APTN), Lin Chew (IWE-the Institute for Women’s Empowerment) & Ginger Norwood (IWP-International Women’s Partnership for Peace & Justice)— the methodology was collaboratively developed drawing from each of our existing work on well-being, integrated security & feminist leadership praxis.

This book is intended as a light stroll through the workshop as we held it: offering some of the basic methodology, activities and exercises; mapping some of the common needs & challenges; and documenting reflections on steps forward.

While CARE was rooted in the experiences, needs and challenges of queer activists across South and Southeast Asia, we hope this documentation can inspire and inform conversations, workshops and strategic action to advance healing, well-being & resilience work amongst activists across other regions and contexts as well.

Download the Publication Here

Thanks again to all the activists who participated in CARE and made this possible!

Questions? Comments? Want to support our work?
Get in touch with us at: coordinator@csbronline.org.

CSBR Rights & Resilience Seed Grants: Apply now!

The CSBR Rights and Resilience seed grants aim to support small scale projects that experiment with alternative ways to organize and advance rights amidst the impacts of COVID-19. We are inviting proposals for projects to be carried out between 1 July – 15 December 2020. Apply using the forms below, by 8 June 2020.


Why this Mechanism?

As a community-led international solidarity network, we wanted to explore how we could co-create a peer-to-peer resourcing mechanism at this moment of unprecedented collective crisis. As CSBR, we could no longer hold our in-person convenings for the year. Yet recognizing the privilege of having these funds, we opted to re-route and focus on providing small pipelines of resources that could support a wider circle of activists to stay connected across contexts, even as national borders close. Through developing a peer-to-peer mechanism, we also want to explore best practices in resource distribution within movements.  

We recognized the need to create space to reflect on what these global shifts mean for our movements, not only during the current pandemic, but also once it has been contained. How can we collectively pause, re-route, exchange experiences, and respond in ways that allow us to maintain and even expand the precious space for our organizing? How can we ensure that our actions now continue to strengthen and center collective care within our organizing?

As we engage with the limits of in-person organizing now, what can we learn from each other’s creativity about how to shift certain practices to create more accessible and inclusive methods to organize and mobilize communities? The CSBR Rights & Resilience Program is therefore not intended simply as a means to distribute funds, but rather a mechanism to strengthen collective capacity, solidarity and movement building support, by and for community. Through the mechanism, we will also have a series of Linking & Learning Events for recipients to come together in virtual forums. These events will support us to learn from each others’ work, build relationships and collectively share in the monitoring, evaluation and learnings (MELs) for the program.

Strategic Focus:

Project proposals must demonstrate how they meet the following criteria: 

  1. Address & challenge the root causes of religious fundamentalisms, and their intersections with rights restrictions for LGBTIQ peoples
  2. Strengthen community-led organizing
  3. Maintain & expand civic space across Muslim societies, including continuing existing programs and campaigns through new methods that can function during movement restriction.
  4. Strengthen & amplify progressive expression and discourses. This includes advancing affirming approaches to freedom of religion or belief, premised on gender equality and respect for SOGIESC diversity.
  5. Support innovative/holistic approaches to advancing rights and resilience, including an attention to community and collective care.

Who can Apply?

We accept proposals from both registered and unregistered groups, with an annual operating budget below 50,000 EUR, who meet the following criteria: 

  • Collectives or organizations led by queer (LGBTIQ) Muslims, based in one of the priority or focal countries
  • Queer-led groups, based in one of the priority or focal countries. Priority will be given to LBQ women, trans and intersex led groups. 
  • Feminist, women’s rights and girl’s rights groups inclusive of LGBTIQ peoples, based in one of the priority or focal countries

What kinds of grants can we apply for?


We are inviting project proposals for either Organizational Grants, or Regional/Collaborative Grants, to be carried out between 1 July – 15 December 2020. Grants can be for a total amount of either 2500 EUR, 6000 EUR, or 10,000 EUR. We are able to provide project funding that will cover the essential costs of designing, implementing and evaluating the small projects. This includes costs as needed for human resources and technology.

Organizational Grants. These proposals can be submitted by organizations or collectives working in one of the priority countries: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, Morocco, Nepal, Pakistan, Palestine, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Tajikistan, Tunisia, and Yemen. 

Regional/Collaborative Grants: These proposals should demonstrate how they can inform regional strategies, and can be submitted as a partnership with CSBR. They can be submitted by organizations, collectives or networks working in one of the priority countries (above), and/or the focal countries: Algeria, Kazakhstan, Lebanon, Malaysia and Turkey. 

What Kinds of Activities Can We Propose? 

Below are examples of activities that could be supported under these grants, which align with the strategic criteria and are based on needs we’ve heard from our peers and programs that are already being developed by network members and allies. These are not intended to limit your proposals, but simply examples of work that we know are needed. Activities could fall under the following broad categories: Knowledge Production; Virtual Networking & Workshops; Strengthening Campaigning & Advocacy;  Mutual Aid & Community Care. 

Knowledge Production. Activities could include: 

  • Research & Analysis on how fundamentalist forces are converging across our contexts. For example, what is the link between religious and economic fundamentalisms, and the impacts of this on government policies to address COVID-19?

  • Research and analysis on how conservative religious forces are undermining community efforts to uphold rights and stop violations (including rising domestic violence, hate crimes, spread of COVID, limited access to essential health services including SRHR)?

  • Publications that challenge traditional assumptions and prejudices against marginalized concepts of gender and sexuality in Muslim societies

  • Documentation of rights-based initiatives that support/advance affirmative and inclusive approaches to faith, sexuality and human rights.

Virtual Networking & Workshops

  • Engaging communities through virtual platforms to come together & stay connected around particular themes. These could be for example, online festivals, online forums for experience exchanges, a lectures series, online workshops–which address the strategic criteria.
  • Experimenting with transferring participatory methodologies from in-person to the virtual sphere. How can we hold what used to be a 5-day in person training, online? Is it possible to create workshops online that still support people to engage in self-reflexive activities, hold space for intimacy, and build relationships?
  • Engaging holistic practitioners to offer a series of virtual psycho-social and body-based support sessions to marginalized communities 
  • Creating and producing a 10-episode thematic podcast

Strengthening Campaigning and Advocacy on laws and policies

  • Organizing virtual workshop series on how to engage with UN mechanisms and high level political processes, even amidst COVID-19 related restrictions

  • Documentation, webinars and social campaigning advocating against the stigmatization of patients and increased risks for marginalized communities due to COVID-19, including LGBTIQ peoples, sex workers, street youth, people living with disabilities, people living with HIV, migrants, etc.

  • Creating common platforms for women, girls and LGBTI defenders to learn from each others’ successful campaigns to ensure governments provide essential services, safeguard human rights & ensure environmental protections during COVID-19 and beyond.

  • Writing a series of op-eds and articles to be published in the mainstream media on a particular campaign issues

  • Arts-based campaigning through online mediums

Mutual Aid and Community Care 

  • Developing Resource Guides to support communities in building mutual aid circles. E.g. how can we build community responses that lessen the trend towards surveillance and policing in response to COVID-19 and beyond?

  • Designing community support systems to break isolation, address mental health challenges, keep people socially connected, and accessing essential needs (food, medicines, health services)

  • Operating hotlines for information and resource support, to address GBV, CSE, SRHR and access to other essential health services

  • Outreach to communities you’ve not previously reached, in order to strengthen cross-movement organizing. For e.g. building networks and engaging with professionals from a variety of sectors (e.g. social workers, lawyers, teachers, doctors, etc.), who can bring the learnings, experiences and information back to a wider audience

Timeline for Submissions & Review: 

Please submit your project proposals by 8 June 2020, by filling out the Proposal Form below, and email the completed form to: coordinator@csbronline.org.

If you have any security concerns about submitting the proposal form over email, please get in touch with us so we can discuss alternate ways to receive your proposal.

Review by CSBR’s Selection Committee will be completed by 26 June 2020. Expected start dates should therefore not be before 1 July  2020.

We expect grants to be distributed by the end of July 2020.

Download the Proposal Form – English

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Languages for Submission

We are accepting proposals in English, Arabic, Bahasa Indonesia, and Turkish.

Read the call in Bahasa Indonesia, and download the Bahasa Indonesia Proposal Form

Read the call in Arabic, and download the Arabic Proposal Form

Read the call in Turkish, and download the Turkish Proposal Form

Müslüman Toplumlarda Cinsel ve Bedensel Haklar Koalisyonu (CSBR) Haklar ve Dayanıklılık Çekirdek Hibeleri

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CSBR Haklar ve Dayanıklılık çekirdek hibeleri, COVID-19 pandemisinin yarattığı etkiler bağlamında örgütlenme ve hak geliştirmenin alternatif yollarını bulmaya çalışan küçük ölçekli projeleri desteklemeyi hedefliyor.

Neden böyle bir mekanizmaya ihtiyaç duyduk?

Komünite temelli uluslararası bir dayanışma ağı olarak yaşadığımız bu eşi görülmemiş kolektif kriz anında, ağ içerisinde kaynak sağlama mekanizmasını birlikte oluşturmanın yollarını keşfetmek istedik. CSBR olarak bu yıl yapmayı planladığımız yüz yüze toplantılarımızı salgın dolayısıyla gerçekleştiremeyeceğiz ancak elimizdeki fonların çok kıymetli olduğunun bilinciyle rotamızı yeniden belirledik. Her ne kadar ülkelerin sınırları kapanmış olsa da farklı bağlamlar arasındaki etkileşimi sürdürebilmek için daha geniş bir aktivist topluluğunu destekleyebilecek küçük kaynaklar oluşturmaya odaklandık. Ağa üye aktivistlerin katılımıyla oluşturduğumuz bu mekanizma ile hareketler arasında kaynakların dağılımına dair iyi uygulamaları da keşfetmek istiyoruz.

Sadece bugünkü pandemi ortamında değil pandemi kontrol altına alındıktan sonra da yaşadığımız küresel değişimlerin hareketlerimiz için ne anlama geldiği üzerine düşünebilmek için bir alan yaratmanın gerekli olduğunu düşünüyoruz. Durup, kolektif olarak nasıl rotamızı yeniden belirleyebiliriz, deneyimlerimizi nasıl paylaşabiliriz ve örgütlülük alanımızın sürekliliğini sağlayacak ve hatta bu alanı genişletmemizi mümkün kılacak şekillerde nasıl davranabiliriz? Bugünkü eylemlerimizin örgütlenirken birbirimize karşı gösterdiğimiz kolektif sorumluluğu, özeni ve özbakımı hem güçlendirip hem de merkezinde tutmasını sağlayacağından nasıl emin olabiliriz? Yüz yüze örgütlenmenin mümkün olmadığı bu günlerde, toplulukları örgütlemenin ve harekete geçirmenin daha erişilebilir ve kapsayıcı yöntemlerini oluşturabilmek üzere bazı pratiklerimizi dönüştürme konusunda birbirimizin yaratıcılığından neler öğrenebiliriz? CSBR Haklar ve Dayanıklılık Programı, fon vermenin ötesinde topluluklar tarafından ve topluluklar için kolektif kapasiteyi, dayanışmayı ve hareket örgütleme desteğini güçlendirecek bir mekanizma olmayı amaçlıyor. Bu mekanizma sayesinde, fon alıcıların sanal forumlarda bir araya gelmesi için bir dizi Bağlantı Kurma ve Öğrenme Etkinlikleri düzenleyeceğiz. Bu etkinlikler birbirimizin deneyimlerinden öğrenmemiz, ilişkilerimizi geliştirmemiz ve programın izleme, değerlendirme ve öğrenme süreçlerine kolektif katılmamız konularında bize destek olacak.

Stratejik Odak:

Proje önerileri aşağıdaki kriterleri nasıl yerine getireceklerini belirtmelidir:

A. Köktenciliğin temel nedenlerini ve bu nedenlerin, LGBTIQ bireylerin karşı karşıya kaldığı hak kısıtlamalarıyla nasıl kesiştiğini ele almak ve bunlarla mücadele etmek;

B. Topluluk-temelli örgütlenmeyi güçlendirmek;

C., Müslüman toplumlardaki mevcut programların ve kampanyaların hareket kısıtlaması yaşadığımız bugünlerde yeni yöntemlerle devam ettirilmesini de içerecek şekilde sivil alanı sürdürmek ve genişletmek;

D. İlerici ifade ve söylemleri güçlendirmek ve çoğaltmak. Bu stratejik odak, toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği, cinsel yönelim, toplumsal cinsiyet kimliği ve ifadesi çeşitliliğine saygı temeline dayanan din veya inanç özgürlüğüne dair olumlayıcı yaklaşımları geliştirmeyi de içeren ifade ve söylemleri de kapsar. E. Topluluk ve kolektif özbakım da dahil olmak üzere, hakları ve dayanıklılığı geliştirmeye dair yenilikçive bütüncül yaklaşımları desteklemek.

Kimler başvurabilir?

Yıllık bütçesi 50.000 Euro’nun altında olan ve aşağıdaki kriterleri karşılayan, sivil toplum örgütleri, platformlar, inisiyatifler vb. grupların başvurularını kabul ediyoruz:

  • Öncelikli ya da odak ülkelerdeki kuir (LGBTIQ) Müslümanlar tarafından yürütülen kolektifler ya da kuruluşlar.
  • Öncelikli ya da odak ülkelerdeki kuir gruplar. LBQ, trans ve interseks gruplara öncelik verilecektir.
  • Öncelikli ya da odak ülkelerdeki LGBTIQ bireyleri kapsayan feminist gruplar, kadın hakları ya da kız çocuğu hakları grupları.
    

Hangi hibelere başvurabilirsiniz?

Kurumsal Hibeler ya da Bölgesel/İş birliği Hibeleri için 1 Temmuz- 15 Aralık 2020 tarihleri arasında gerçekleştirilecek proje önerilerini kabul ediyoruz. Hibe miktarları 2500 Euro, 6000 Euro ya da 10.000 Euro olarak belirlendi. Hibeler küçük ölçekli projelerin tasarımı, uygulanması ve değerlendirilmesiyle ilgili temel maliyetleri karşılayacak şekilde belirlendi. İnsan kaynakları ve teknoloji için gerekli olan harcamalar da bu bütçelere dahildir.

Kurumsal Hibeler: Bu proje önerileri öncelikli ülkelerin herhangi birinde çalışan kuruluşlar ya da kolektifler tarafından sunulabilir: Afganistan, Bangladeş, Mısır, Hindistan, Endonezya, Ürdün, Kırgızistan, Fas, Nepal, Pakistan, Filistin, Filipinler, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Tacikistan, Tunus ve Yemen.

Bölgesel Hibeler/İş birliği Hibeleri: Bu proje önerilerinin bölgesel stratejileri nasıl ele alacaklarını belirtmeleri gerekir ve CSBR ile ortaklık önerileri olarak sunulabilirler. Başvuru, yukarıda belirtilen öncelikli ülkelerin ve/veya aşağıda belirtilen odak ülkelerin herhangi birinde çalışan kuruluşlar, kolektifler ya da ağlar tarafından yapılabilir: Fas, Kazakistan, Lübnan, Malezya ve Türkiye.

Hangi Aktiviteleri Önerebiliriz?

Aşağıda, bu hibeler tarafından desteklenebilecek stratejik kriterlerle ve üyelerimizin belirttikleri ihtiyaçlar ve halihazırda yürüttükleri programlarla uyumlu aktivitelerden örnekler verilmiştir. Proje önerilerinizi bu örneklerle sınırlandırmanız gerekmiyor. Bu örnekler daha ziyade ihtiyaç duyulduğunu bildiğimiz aktivitelerin bir seçkisini sunuyor. Aktiviteler aşağıda geniş bir şekilde tanımlanmış şu kategorilerin altında yer alabilir: Bilgi Üretimi; Sanal Ağ Oluşturma ve Atölyeler, Kampanya ve Savunuculuk Güçlendirme; Karşılıklı Yardımlaşma ve Topluluk Sorumluluğu ve Özbakımı.

Bilgi Üretimi. Aktiviteler şunları içerebilir:

  • Köktendinci unsurların çeşitli bağlamlarımızda nasıl kesiştiğine dair araştırmalar ve analizler. Örneğin, dini ve ekonomik köktencilik arasında nasıl bir bağlantı var ve bunun hükümetlerin aldığı COVID-19 önlemleri üzerindeki etkileri neler?
  • Muhafazakâr dini unsurların, hakların korunması ve ihlallerin durdurulması amacıyla toplulukların yürüttükleri çalışmalara (artan aile içi şiddet, nefret suçları, COVID’in yayılması, cinsel sağlık ve doğurganlık sağlığı gibi temel sağlık hizmetlerine sınırlı erişim dahil olmak üzere) nasıl zarar verdiğine dair araştırmalar ve analizler yapmak.
  • Müslüman toplumlarda toplumsal cinsiyet ve cinsellik gibi marjinalize edilmiş kavramlara yönelik geleneksel varsayımları ve önyargıları sorgulayan yayınlar.
  • İnanç, cinsellik ve insan haklarına dair olumlayıcı ve kapsayıcı yaklaşımları destekleyen/geliştiren hak temelli inisiyatiflerin dokümantasyonu.

Sanal Ağ Oluşturma ve Atölyeler

  • Topluluklarla sanal platformlar üzerinden belirli konular çerçevesinde bir araya gelme ve iletişim halinde kalma. Bu türden aktiviteler arasında stratejik kriterlerle uyumlu sanal festivaller, deneyim paylaşımı yapılabilecek online forumlar, seminerler ve online atölyeler sayılabilir.
  • Yüz yüze görüşürken kullanılan katılımcı yöntemlerin sanal ortama nasıl taşınabileceği konusunda denemeler yapmak. Örneğin; salgın öncesinde birkaç gün sürecek şekilde organize ettiğimiz yüz yüze eğitimleri nasıl online ortamlara taşıyabiliriz? Özdüşünümsel aktivitelere katılımı destekleyecek, kişilerin birbiriyle yakınlık kurabileceği ve ilişkilenebileceği online atölyeler düzenlemek mümkün mü?
  • Bütüncül bir perspektifle çalışan uzmanların dezavantajlı topluluklara sanal ortamda psiko-sosyal ve beden-temelli destek seansları sunmasını sağlamak.
  • On bölümden oluşan tematik bir podcast üretmek.

Kampanya ve Savunuculuk Çalışmalarını Güçlendirme (Yasalar ve politikalar bağlamında)

  • COVID-19 kısıtlamaları sürecinde Birleşmiş Milletler mekanizmaları ve üst düzey siyasi süreçlere katılıma odaklanan sanal atölye serileri düzenlemek.
  • COVID-19 sebebiyle hastaların damgalanmasına ve LGBTIQ bireyler, seks işçileri, sokakta yaşayan gençler, engelli bireyler, HIV+ ile yaşayanlar, göçmenler, vb. dezavantajlı toplulukların giderek daha fazla karşılaştığı risklere karşı savunuculuk için raporlama yapmak, webinar ve kampanyalar düzenlemek.
  • COVID-19 koşullarında ve sonrasında hükümetlerin temel hizmetleri karşılaması, insan haklarını ve çevrenin korumasını sağlaması için kadınlar, kız çocukları ve LGBTIQ hakları savunucularının yürüttüğü başarılı kampanyaları birbirlerinden öğrenmelerini desteklemek üzere ortak platformlar kurmak.
  • Belirli kampanya konuları hakkında ana akım medyada yayımlanmak üzere bir dizi yazı ve makale yazmak.
  • Online mecralar üzerinden sanat temelli kampanyalar düzenlemek.

Karşılıklı Yardımlaşma ve Topluluk Sorumluluğu ve Özbakımı

  • Karşılıklı yardımlaşma ağları kurmak konusunda toplulukları desteklemek için Kaynak Kılavuzlar geliştirmek.
  • İzolasyonu kırmak, akıl sağlığı problemlerini ele almak, insanların sosyal iletişim içinde kalmalarını sağlamak ve temel ihtiyaçlara (yemek, ilaç, sağlık hizmetleri) erişimi sağlamak için topluluk dayanışma sistemleri tasarlamak.
  • Toplumsal cinsiyet temelli şiddeti, kapsamlı cinsellik eğitimini, cinsel haklar ve doğurganlık sağlığı hakları ile diğer temel sağlık hizmetlerini ele almak ve bu hizmetlere erişimi sağlamak amacıyla bilgi ve kaynak desteği geliştirmek için acil yardım hatları işletmek.
  • Hareketler arasındaki örgütlenme pratiklerini güçlendirmek için daha öncesinde erişilmemiş topluluklara erişmek. Örneğin, ağlar kurarak farklı sektörlerden kendi bilgisi ve deneyimlerini geniş kitlelere ulaştırabilecek profesyonellerle (sosyal çalışmacı, avukat, öğretmen, doktor, vb.) birlikte çalışmak.

Başvuru ve Değerlendirme Takvimi

Proje önerilerinizi en geç 8 Haziran 2020 tarihine kadar aşağıdaki Başvuru Formunu doldurarak şu e-posta adresine gönderebilirsiniz: coordinator@csbronline.org. Başvurunuzu Türkçe yapabilirsiniz.  CSBR Değerlendirme Komitesi’nin değerlendirme süreci 26 Haziran 2020 tarihinde sonuçlanacaktır. Bu nedenle projelerin başlangıç tarihi 1 Temmuz 2020’den önce olmamalıdır. Hibelerin Temmuz (2020) ayının sonunda verilmesi planlanmaktadır.

Download Başvuru FORMU

8 Years Running: Celebrating the One Day One Struggle Campaign

9 November 2016 marks the 8th year of the One Day One Struggle campaign, organized by the Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR).

CSBR_ODOS9NovemberEach year, One Day One Struggle engages hundreds of people across countries and regions to builds bridges on sexual and bodily rights issues, including:

  • Sexual and reproductive health and rights for all
  • Promoting sexual and bodily autonomy and integrity
  • Ensuring access to comprehensive sexuality education
  • Ending all forms of violence against women
  • Ending Discrimination and violence against people on the basis of their sexual orientation and gender identity

By highlighting the pressing political developments impacting sexual rights across our local and national contexts, the campaign demonstrates that sexuality is a site of political struggle and seeks to build solidarity across constituencies to support everyone’s right to choose freely on matters of sexuality, fertility, bodily autonomy, gender identity and self expression.

We may be working in different contexts, but our struggle is one: ensuring a holistic affirmation and realization of sexual, reproductive and bodily rights as human rights across Muslim societies.

In 2016, One Day One Struggle is taking place across Egypt, Indonesia, Malaysia, Palestine, Pakistan, the Philippines, and Tunisia. See a brief listing of the planned actions below, and keep up with us on Twitter (@SexBodyRights, #OneDayOneStruggle) and Facebook (facebook.com/CSBRonline) on November 9th for more details and updates as the actions occur!

 

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EGYPT

Nazra for Feminist Studies is hosting a discussion on women’s bodily autonomy and integrity through a feminist analytical lens, in collaboration ODOS2016_Nazra_MyOwnBodywith the Goethe Institute in Cairo. The event will bring together diverse stakeholders to discuss restrictions and possibilities for change across fields such as the medical industry, film and creative media, civil society organizing, and academia. Nazra will also be sharing articles and blogs on different aspects of bodily integrity and autonomy by feminist writers across Egypt. Follow the online campaign with the hashtags #MyOwnBody and #OneDayOneStruggle.

Read more here: http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1594, and see the Facebook page for more details: https://www.facebook.com/events/1457243860952778/

 

The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) is launching a social media EIPRcampaign to raise awareness on the issue of female circumcision in Egypt, including the lack of any medical reasoning behind the practice. Despite a law in place banning the practice, NGOs have said “the law is not enough, and must be accompanied by non-penal provisions, such as comprehensive sexuality education; a rights based campaign focusing on the ‘rights of women and girls to equality and a safe, satisfying sexual life’, and adopting a code of ethics in consultation with the Doctors’ Syndicate to enforce accountability.”

EIPR will be launching articles and infographics online using the hashtags #StopMedicalizingFC and #OneDayOneStruggle. Follow EIPR on Twitter @EIPR  & Facebook @EIPR.org and share widely.

 

In the framework of Trans Awareness Month, Bedayaa Organization for LGBTQI in the Nile Valley Area (Egypt and Sudan) in cooperation with Mesahat Foundation for Sexual and Gender Diversity and Rainbow Egypt Organization together launch their first event in a series throughout this month starting with the One Day One Struggle Campaign for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies.

odos-egypt-2

Under the slogan “My Gender, My Right”, these groups invite everyone to participate in the campaign on 9 November 2016 by blogging, writing, and tweeting under the hashtag #MyGender_MyRight to support Transgender/ Transsexual Rights. 

 

MALAYSIA

Women’s Aid Organization (WAO) is highlighting the importance of addressing women’s rights in the workplace, as part of a larger mobilization across the country towards the implementation of the Gender Equality Act that will domesticate the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.

WAO_CSBRODOS2016_2

Read More here: http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1598, and participate in the campaign by following Women’s Aid Organisation on Facebook @womens.aid.org, Twitter @womensaidorg and Instagram @womensaidorg.

 

 

INDONESIA

GN_ODOS2016GAYa NUSANTARA will be hosting a film screening of the documentary CALALAI: In-Betweenness, which was produced by the Ardhanary Institute in 2015, and explores historical and contemporary experiences of gender amongst the Bugis in South Sulawesi, Indonesia. The screening and discussion are a much needed intervention into the highly politicized and charged conversation about diversity in sexual orientations and gender identities in Indonesia.

Read more and watch the trailer here: http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1572

As part of an on-going Gender Justice Education project, KAPAL Perempuan has been working with economically and socially marginalized women to run Sekolah Perempuan (Women’s School) that builds leadership capacity and life skills. Over the years, KAPAL Perempuan has established over 130 Sekolah Perempuan across 6 provinces, 9 districts and 25 villages across Indonesia, and now has over 4,230 members. For this year’s One Day One Struggle campaign, KAPAL Perempuan began a documentary project on these women’s views on gender justice issues, and will be launching the trailer online. Stay tuned!

 

PAKISTAN

VISION will be hosting a street theatre performance on the sexual and bodily rights of transgender communities across Pakistan. These performances were the culmination of a five day participatory street theatre workshop VISION conducted with transwomen from 18-22 October 2016.

VISION_StreetTheatre_3

Throughout the five day workshop, participants discussed personal lived experiences, shared insights and analysis on how to challenge narratives and experiences of discrimination to realize sexual and bodily rights. Amidst these sessions, participants also learned the basics of street theatre and collectively developed the storyline and direction for the performance.

Read more and watch videos of previous performances here: http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1526

 

PALESTINE

Coinciding with Muntada – the Arab Forum for Sexuality, Education & Health‘s 10th Anniversary celebrations, Muntada is sharing the portraits from their participatory photovoice workshops with women activists.

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The Portraits explores multiple dimensions, bringing out the many faces of human strength, beauty and resilience. Check back soon to see the photos and read more about the project.

Women Against Violence (WAVO) will be holding a workshop addressing the current legal and policy contest around sexual assault, including assessing gains, losses and room for advocacy moving forward.

 

 

PHILIPPINES

PILIPINA Legal Resources Centre (PLRC), in collaboration with the Davao City Integrated Gender & Development Division, is hosting two dialogues with local legislators and policy makers, with the goal of developing the Implementation Rules & Regulations of the Davao City Anti-Discrimination Ordinance, as well as developing a city-wide action plan for more outreach activities for LGBT rights.

ODOS2016_PLRC

This marks the 3rd year that PLRC has worked for LGBT rights through the ODOS campaign. Read more about their strategy and activities here: http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1602

 

 

TUNISIA

Building on the momentum from last year, l’ATFD and friends have taken to social media and the streets to talk to people, share information and resources, and encourage people to speak up and speak out against sexual harassment on the streets.

ATFD_ODOS2016

This year they began actions on 1st November, and on 9th November the 2016 campaign concludes with a rendez-vous at the Golden Tulip Hotel to reflect on the actions taken, lessons learnt, and experiences shared. Don’t miss it!

Read more here:  http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1578 and check out their Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/Un-Jour-Un-Combat-996099703765811/?fref=ts for more details.

 

 

ACROSS CONTEXTS

As part of this year’s One Day One Struggle campaign, we are thrilled to be launching the first submissions to our #SexPleasureRights series.

SexPleasureRights_CSBR#SexPleasureRights seeks to create a space for conversation and curiosity on what it means to conceptualize sexual pleasure as an integral part of our advocacy towards sexual rights and human rights.

We’ll be launching the submissions online through social media, and on the new website sexpleasurerights.csbronline.org. Stay tuned for blogs, podcasts, short stories and more!

Keep up with us on Twitter @SexBodyRights and Facebook @CSBRonline and spread the news using #SexPleasureRights and #OneDayOneStruggle.

* * * * *

As always, our appreciation and support to everyone who is participating in this years’ campaign, including groups who due to political instability had to cancel their events.

The “Turkish model” : for whom?

In the aftermath of the Arab spring the “Turkish model” is being held out as an optimistic scenario for democratisation with an Islamic framework. In conversation with Deniz Kandiyoti, women’s rights and gender activist Pinar Ilkkaracan puts Turkey’s record under scrutiny – and finds it wanting

About the author
Pinar Ilkkaracan is the co-founder of Women for Women’s Human Rights [13] in Turkey and the International Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies [13]. She is Adjunct Professor at Bogazici University, Istanbul

 

DK: The more optimistic commentators on the prospects for democracy in the aftermath of the Arab spring have been invoking the “Turkish model” as a path to emulate. As a long standing activist for women’s rights and sexual liberties how do you evaluate the record in Turkey?

PI: The last positive piece of legislation in Turkey was the reform of the Penal Code in 2004. Many commentators have been totally celebratory about these gains as though they were achieved once and for all. In fact, we have since been witnessing a significant backlash and a process of backsliding. But before we talk about this process, let me point out that we have been working closely with our counterparts in the MENA region since 1999 in a network of about 45 institutions in the Coalition of Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies [13] (CSBR) whose members are involved in advocacy work for women’s rights and sexual and reproductive health and rights at the national level. Organizations such as ATFD and AFTURD in Tunisia, EIPR and the New Woman Foundation in Egypt and Sister’s Arabic Forum in Yemen, to mention but a few, have been at the forefront of the Arab spring. They were initially exhilarated by the developments and we exchanged euphoric e-mails. However, within a month we started hearing they were increasingly concerned and depressed. At the general assembly of CSBR which took place in May 2011 in Istanbul deep concerns were voiced by members. It seems very clear that the MENA region needs to be very alert for at least the coming decade and that these will be extremely dangerous times for sustaining a gender equality agenda. As for seeking guidance from the “Turkish model” the record on women’s rights is far from rosy.

DK: What do you see as signs for concern in Turkey?  

PI: The Justice and Development Party came to power in 2002. Between 2002-2004 we had first hand experience of JDP resistance to judicial reforms in the service of gender equality.  It would be fair to say that the reforms were passed despite [14] rather than because of the JDP government. In terms of implementation of this legislation we are in a situation of stasis [15] and nothing is being done.

In the past two years there have been several attempts to claw back some of these gains, and to change clauses of the Penal Code, for example in relation to the reduction of sentences and penalties for sexual abuse of young girls. There are many worrying trends [16] and violence against women is on the increase. [17]

The rules of composition of the High Council of Judges and Prosecutors have been changed [18] by the JDP and this body is now much more aligned with the Executive.  In principle the role of the High Council should be to enforce and implement the laws of the land, including the Turkish Penal Code. Instead, they are reinstating the reduction of penalties for rapists who marry their victims.

DK: Were there any noteworthy institutional changes since 2004?

PI: The women’s movement in Turkey has concentrated on four major areas since we have achieved the major legal reforms for gender equality. First, women’s labour force participation – which is the lowest among OECD countries. Second, political representation – which is in a pitiful state. The ngo KA-DER [19]  pushed for a quota of 30% during the 2007 and 2011 elections but the increase was minimal. Third, violence against women. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) found Turkey guilty of not preventing violence against women and failing to establish gender equality, in the landmark case Opuz vs. Turkey [20]. Fourth, the reform of the Turkish constitution to ensure gender equality.

We petitioned all male and female MPs in 2006  asking them to translate the gender equality provision of the Constitution ( clause 10) into substantive equality, demanding that the article should be revised as: “the state is responsible for ensuring actual equality between women and men,”  including positive discrimination for women. This was met by public opposition to quotas for women in the media by the State Minister for Women’s Affairs, Nimet Ēubukēu, who went on to take a court case against the petitioners on the grounds of defamation. In their joint press statement the targeted organizations expressed surprise at the minister’s insistence that quotas for women did not exist anywhere in the world and her ignorance on this matter, and took issue with her about breaking precedent by excluding the representatives of women’s organizations from participation in the yearly UN Commission for the Status of women alongside the official delegation, and her refusal to treat honour crimes as aggravated manslaughter in a context where hundreds of women lose their lives yearly in the name of honour.

Thus the women’s movement in Turkey found that one of the tremendous obstacles in implementing an agenda of gender equality came from the State Ministers of Women’s Affairs themselves. The incumbent who followed Nimet Ēubukēu declared that homosexuality is a disease that must be cured and she played up her disagreement with feminists.

The present minister, Fatma Žahin, on the other hand, is showing greater commitment to combat violence against women.

The least we can say is that the JDP has no integrated policies to achieve gender equality in Turkey. There is no concerted effort to meet gender equality goals and the very institutions that are meant to safeguard these goals are staffed by personnel with conservative agendas. Statistics are showing that Turkey is dropping in the league tables and that the gender gap is widening. Since our campaign for the reform of the Turkish penal code for gender equality (2002-2004), it was very clear to us that the JDP is intent on targeting the women’s and LBGT movements as the main pillar of its conservative politics. However, our voice was not heard by the EU or the world.  Yet, this must have become obvious to all since July 2010, when Prime Minister Erdošan declared, at a meeting with representatives of 60 women’s organizations, that he does not believe that women and men can be equal on the basis on their “nature”. The PM was equally reluctant to cede on pluralist measures, such as allowing education in their mother tongue [21] for the Kurdish minority.  It is quite clear to feminists that the struggle for gender equality is part and parcel of the struggle for greater pluralism and an inclusive democracy in Turkey.

Since the JDP achieved 50% of the electoral vote it has started sidelining and eliminating the women’s organizations that it had previously collaborated with.

A further development was the establishment in 2011 of a new ministry for the “Family and Social Policy” – replacing the former state ministry responsible for “Women and Social Affairs” – clearly showing the priorities of the government,  treating women predominantly as mothers and wives, as recipients of welfare rather than individuals in their own right.

DK: Have there nonetheless been successful initiatives?

PI:  In 2007 we started the Women’s Constitutional Platform [22] (Anayasa Kadin Platformu)- a platform for the reform of the Constitution for gender equality. We demanded substantive equality and called for the inclusion of a clause that states that “the state is responsible to take all measures to achieve actual  gender equality”. Unfortunately, the JDP government has done everything to ensure that there was no time to discuss their proposal for the constitutional reform voted at the referendum by the public. In fact the whole debate about the constitution lasted for three days.

We must remember that these efforts are taking place in the context of  anti-feminist policies of the government. For instance, women are exhorted to have at least three children, a special call made by the prime minister to the public on several occasions. The freedom of the press is severely constrained. And conservative politics is bearing fruit with (according to surveys) youth becoming more conservative. There is also a concerted cadre-building policy that favours incumbents with conservative leanings.

I have for years fought for the right of women and girls to choose their own mode of dress, including the right to wear the headscarf. But in the current political context the headscarf has become a means of political preferment. Whether your wife is veiled or not makes a difference to whether you get a public contract or not. Research carried out by Binnaz Toprak, titled  Being Different in Turkey [23], revealed the extent of pressures towards conformity  and the stigma attached to minority or marginal identities.

In recent interviews I conducted in women’s shelters, I was told that a woman who was subjected to domestic violence is less likely to receive state subsidies or financial support and benefit if she does not wear a headscarf. This clearly provides women with an incentive to cover.

So we witness targeted conservative policies with a religious flavour. Nonetheless, I think the normative framework of violence against women (VAW) as a violation of human rights is well established and has become a norm in Turkey.

DK: To get back to where we started, what is your conclusion about the prospects for a gender equality agenda in the aftermath of the Arab spring?

PI:  First, Turkey cannot be a model since it is struggling with gender equality issues itself. Besides, the influence goes both ways. If in the coming decade there are negative developments in the Middle East and North Africa this will certainly reverberate back onto Turkey. If there is a backlash in Tunisia because gender equality policies were associated with the previous regime, this will no doubt be reflected in Turkey. This is of course grossly unfair since the women’s movements were opposed to authoritarian regimes.  In the new openings created in the public sphere it is perfectly understandable that Islamic actors will become more visible in the first instance. The question is whether some social contracts-such as those on the gender equality front- will be torn up and discarded. Women’s movements will have a tough battle ahead.

We call on world citizens, the EU and the UN to support feminist movements in the region, who will definitely be major actors for democratisation in the Middle East, rather than concentrating on the misleading notion of a “Turkish model”.

 

See also: A tangled web: the politics of gender in Turkey [14], Deniz Kandiyoti

To read more articles in openDemocracy 50.50’s Religion Gender Politics dialogue, click here [24]

STOP INCITING HATRED AGAINST US! WE ARE CITIZENS OF MALAYSIA.

STOP INCITING HATRED AGAINST US! WE ARE CITIZENS OF MALAYSIA

Press Statement by the Organisers
of Seksualiti Merdeka 2011
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Contact: seksualiti.merdeka@gmail.com
Date: 5 November 2011                        
We are saddened that many Malaysians, including people’s elected representatives, have seen fit to relentlessly persecute, stigmatise and discriminate all those who have found a safe space to dialogue and share information and knowledge on human rights during Seksualiti Merdeka’s events.
We are Malaysian citizens who are being denied our rights to our identity and self-determination.
The false allegations and ill-intended remarks made to incite hate towards us are completely unjustified. They have further marginalized a group of Malaysians that have long suffered severe marginalization in society. As a United Nations Human Rights Council member, the Malaysian government should be ashamed for endorsing and encouraging such intimidation and scare tactics.
Articles 8(1), 8(2) and 10 of our Federal Constitution explicitly guarantees equality of all Malaysians before the law, protection to all Malaysians from discrimination on the basis of gender as well as our freedom of speech and association. Furthermore, in response to the complaints on violations of human rights of the LGBTIQ[1] community in Malaysia, the National Human Rights Commisssion of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) has affirmed its stand that “all people, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity, are entitled to enjoy their basic rights as human beings”.[2] They have also noted that: “… human rights are for all and the LGBT group is not excluded. LGBT must be respected as human beings and their differences cannot be used as reasons to violate their rights. There can be no justifications for acts such as name calling, bullying and infliction of bodily harm against them.”[3]
Seksualiti Merdeka stands for everyone who believes they have a right to make their own decisions over their bodily autonomy and bodily integrity. We firmly oppose all forms of stigma, discrimination, and persecution targeted to interfere and deny our rights to our sexuality.[4] Sexuality is an integral part of the personality of every human being. Its full development depends upon the satisfaction of basic human needs such as the desire for contact, intimacy, emotional expression, pleasure, tenderness, and love.
Sexual rights are universal human rights based on the inherent freedom, dignity, and equality of all human beings. These principles and values are very explicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 and the United Nations Charter that Malaysia and other countries have signed in order to become members of the United Nations. By signing, Malaysia agreed to the preservation of our humanity as a world of nations and to do all that is necessary to uphold the dignity of every human being. The day Malaysia loses its humanity is the day that all hope for a better Malaysia dies.
The Malaysian government should, in fact, condemn all forms of discrimination, stigmatisation and threats of violence and murder in the name of any religion or belief system; and uphold the human rights of the LGBTIQcommunity and sexual rights as human rights. It is in the protection of the individual’s human rights that community rights are upheld. Clearly, this is what democracy is all about.
The Malaysian government should uphold our right to conduct peaceful forums, workshops and performances. The intimidating displays of hatred and ignorance towards us and calls for us to be shut down demonstrate why we absolutely need a safe space and event like Seksualiti Merdeka.
The blanket ban on Seksualiti Merdeka’s programme this year is unprecedented as we have been conducting similar events over the past few years. In the interest of the safety of our participants, we will not proceed with all public events of Seksualiti Merdeka while we seek a meeting with the Inspector General of Police YB Tan Sri Ismail Omar to explain the objectives of Seksualiti Merdeka.
We would also like to express our regret that Dato’ Ambiga Sreenevasan, whose sole role was to officiate the opening in her personal capacity, has been defamed by those who aggressively and violently oppose the protection, respect, promotion and fulfillment of the human rights of the LGBTIQ community in Malaysia.
Finally, we express our heartfelt gratitude to numerous sectors of the Malaysian society who continue to support our work and the right to discuss our human rights issues. We remain committed to creating an enabling environment that will help reduce such unreasonable hostility, such as the incitement of fear and paranoia, caused by the lack of understanding of sexuality issues as human rights issues.

[1] LGBTIQ: Lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgenders, intersex and queer.
[2] http://www.asiapacificforum.net/news/prof-datuk-khaw-lake-tee-human-rights-commission-of-malaysia.html
[3] http://www.suhakam.org.my/c/document_library/get_file?p_l_id=10408&folderId=32357&name=DLFE-8904.pdf

[4] Adopted in Hong Kong at the 14th World Congress of Sexology, August 26, 1999. See http://www.worldsexology.org/about_sexualrights.asp for full definition.