CSBR Statement in Support of Mak Nyah in Negeri Sembilan & Across Malaysia
The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR) expresses our solidarity with Mak Nyah in Negeri Sembilan state and across Malaysia, whose access to justice in the face of arbitrary arrests, detentions, and violations of their personhood, freedom of expression, and freedom of movement and public participation continues to be delayed.
Since 2010, trans women in the Negeri Sembilan state have been subjected to arbitrary arrest and violent detentions under Section 66 of the Negeri Sembilan Syariah Criminal Enactment 1992, which states that ‘any Muslim male person, who, in any public space, poses as a woman and wears a woman’s attire shall be guilty of an offense, and shall be liable upon conviction to a fine of up to MYR 1000 or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months, or to both’.
In February 2011, three transgender women—Muhamad Juzaili Mohd Khamis, Shukur Jani, and Wan Fairol Ismail—filed a Judicial Review application on the constitutionality of Section 66, and a long, complex struggle to access justice in the formal court system began.[1] Almost four years later on 7 November 2014, the Court of Appeal delivered a landmark decision that Section 66 was incompatible with the Malaysian constitution, particularly Articles 5(1) regarding life and liberty, 8(1) regarding equality, 8(2) regarding gender discrimination, 9(2) regarding freedom of movement, 10(1)(a) regarding freedom of speech, assembly and association.
The Court of Appeal’s judicial reasoning was a strong affirmation of Mak Nyah communities’ rights to self-determination and dignity, and to equal protection under the law. The Court of Appeal’s reasoning was also important in recognizing that laws such as Section 66 that criminalize gender expression impact upon the rights of all persons, regardless of gender or religion, and cannot be used to undermine constitutional rights of Malaysian citizens.
Today, on 8 October 2015, the Federal Court of Malaysia has decided that the decision by the Court of Appeal cannot be upheld, on the basis of a technicality regarding judicial process. The Federal Court sided with the argument put forth by the Negeri Sembilan government that the High Court and the Court of Appeal erred in entertaining the judicial review, and that it should have been taken up by the Federal Court directly.
Despite the ruling, the atmosphere at the courthouse was not one of resignation. As Nisha Ayub shared with us after the judgement was delivered, “As a citizen of Malaysia reflecting on the judgement today, I’m trying to understand why this objection is only being raised now, and not at any of the original proceedings in the last four years. At the end of the day, they are just trying to find a scapegoat entry to say that this is not right. That is very clear, because we already won the case. So yes I feel disappointed, but at the same time I feel I’m still empowered because we got a good judgement. We as a community are empowered and can support each other through the legal procedures. They can say whatever they want to say, and we will continue fighting our way for rights.”
As respondent lawyer Aston Paiva shared, “The orders of the High Court and the Court of Appeal were set aside today, but what is important is that the reasoning of the Court of Appeal is still there. So if we do go back to the Courts, all we’re going to do is go back with the reasoning of Justice Hishamudin, Justice Azia Ali, and Justice Lim Yee Lan and say, ‘This is our case, you have to deal with the argument now’. And in that regard I am actually happy. The Court of Appeals’ decision on its substance was never overturned, just the procedural point.”
In terms of next steps, S. Thilaga of Justice for Sisters expressed that it would be important now to monitor the state enforcement of Section 66, and see whether the arrests and harassment of transgender communities under Section 66 would begin again. She highlighted that while after the Court of Appeals 2014 ruling, no further arrests of Mak Nyah in Negeri Sembilan were made as that would have contradicted the ruling, other Malaysian states that have similar laws criminalizing gender expression and identities have continued to arrest trans women at private gatherings, including weddings and birthday celebrations in private homes.
“In our mind, access to justice shouldn’t be this difficult, this tedious, this complex; it should be transparent and accountable. But despite the decision today, we are comforted by the fact that there are a lot of supporters, and people working to raise awareness on violence and discrimination faced by trans women and hope people will continue to speak out.”
The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies supports the on-going struggles to access justice for Mak Nyah in Negeri Sembilan state and across Malaysia. We join the call for the safety, security, and well-being of transgender communities to be upheld, and for an end to harassment, intimidation, arrests and detentions on the basis of gender identity and expression.
For more information about the court case and proceedings, contact Justice for Sisters at justiceforsisters@gmail.com.
TEENAGE pregnancy is a growing issue not just in Malaysia, but across the globe. Everyday, the number of teenage girls who become pregnant are steadily increasing, and usually these pregnancies are closely associated with a host of social and economic woes that may affect the teenagers.
According to the Ministry of Health, some 16,528 teenage pregnancies were recorded in 2014 based on the number of adolescents that registered at government clinics. Surprising or not, this is equivalent to 50 cases of teen pregnancies per day (with three-quarters involving married teenagers). Out of the thousands of teenagers in our country who are pregnant, 85 percent of them are planned, while the rest are unplanned, statistics reveal.
For unplanned teenage pregnancies, gathered research show that oftentimes, it occurs with lack of comprehensive sex education, which leads to unprotected and unwanted sex. Other common factors include poverty, family surrounding, chaotic lifestyle, weak parental monitoring and academic failure.
Most teenagers also fail to see the dangers and complications of having a baby at a young age, and are simply unaware of the responsibilities of becoming parents. Unfortunately for the teenagers who choose to raise their child, the scenario always seem to lead to sole motherhood, with the absentee of the father who chooses to flee away from responsibility, leaving them unmarried. As for the children of teenage parents, they often fall victim to abuse and neglect.
With that being said, what are the future prospects of these teenagers if they become pregnant and give birth while they are still in the stage of developing themselves? How are they able to cope with studies and complete high school? This is why prevention efforts must be constantly renewed and reinvented. We asked some advocates exactly what needs to be done.
Comprehensive Sex Education Is A Must
Over the years, studies have shown that abstinence-only sex education does not appear to be effective. In view of this, we need to dispel the misconception and the opposition towards the use of contraceptives. This can be achieved through comprehensive sex education, which not only stresses on abstinence but also provides information about contraceptives, and the outcomes have proven to be effective.
Lalitha Menon is the President of Women’s Centre for Change (WCC)
Women’s Centre for Change (WCC) President, Lalitha Menon (pic), in an interview with Malaysian Digest, said teenage pregnancy in Malaysia is indeed a growing issue and there are various interrelated factors that lead to this problem. She absolutely agrees that comprehensive sex education is the way forward.
“There is no denying that sexual activity among teenagers is prevalent in the country, and the Government is doing nothing concrete about teenage pregnancies in the country. There has been a long-standing debate over the implementation of sex education in Malaysia.
“Sex education should have been implemented a long time ago, given the fact that teenagers nowadays are bombarded with so many uncensored information and content online. This would indirectly lead to uncontrolled communication with the opposite sex.
“The more unprotected intercourse a teenager has, the more likely teenage pregnancy will prevail,” she observed.
Lalitha highlights that it is essential for girls and women especially to have good sex education, to understand their bodies better, for better family planning, and points that parents too, have a role to play in educating their children when it comes to having sex.
“With good sex education, adolescents will acknowledge the consequences of having free sex as well as learn to practice safe sex. Besides, [sex education] can also help give them proper knowledge, understand their responsibilities and be respectful towards peers of the opposite sex.
“On the other hand, parental role is of utmost importance. Whether or not Asian parents are open enough to share their sexual knowledge with their children is no longer the issue. It has come to the stage where parents should properly guide their children. They must communicate with them about sex even though it may be embarrassing or difficult for them to do so,” she said.
Without comprehensive sex education to guide the youths, she added: “Teenagers will not have proper knowledge about sex which leads to unwanted pregnancies and eventually cause a wide range of interrelated social problems.”
Echoing the opinions of WCC’s President, Communication Officer of Sisters in Islam (SIS) Aliah Ali told Malaysian Digest that aside from lack of proper sex education, the increase in teenage pregnancies are a result of various contributing factors, which include social surroundings and poor law enforcement.
“To deal with teenage pregnancies in the country, SIS is working indirectly with our partners Asian-Pacific Resource & Research Centre for Women (ARROW), Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights (CSBR) and Reproductive Rights Advocacy Alliance Malaysia (RRAM), discussing and promoting contraceptives from an Islamic perspective, improving access to healthcare and working towards ending child marriages,” Aliah shared.
She further added, “The lack of proper enforcement of the law – which allows for teenagers to marry, coupled with the lack of proper sex education and access to contraceptives result in the growing number of teenage pregnancies.”
“Why were these teens even given permission to marry by the courts when their main concern as teenagers should be to complete high school and ace exams?,” a worried Aliah posed the question.
When asked if implementing comprehensive sex education is a timely move in our national education system, Aliah said, “Comprehensive sex education is long overdue in Malaysia. One way to empower girls and women is to inform and educate them about their Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights (SRHR).
Yu Ren Chung is the Advocacy Manager of Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO)
“Through SRHR awareness, both girls and boys will be able to make informed decisions before engaging in sexual relations. How would we even begin to curb the growth of teenage pregnancy if we are not even allowed to discuss the issue in schools?” she further questioned.
Likewise, Advocacy Manager of Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO) Yu Ren Chung (pic) tells Malaysian Digest, unwanted pregnancies can be prevented through ensuring women and teenagers have access to comprehensive sex education and contraceptives.
“Age appropriate sex education is effective–it has been shown to delay sexual activity among teenagers and increase safe sex when they choose to have sex. There is no evidence that sex education increases sexual activity,” he observed.
To reduce teenage pregnancies in the country, Yu said: “Access to contraceptives must be enhanced in Malaysia. The contraceptive prevalence rate in Malaysia is low — around 50 percent — and it hasn’t increased much since 1984.”
Pregnant At 14: A Victim Shares Her Story
To further understand teenage pregnancy from a first-hand account, Malaysian Digest reached out to a victim who opened up about her experience. Elisa (not her real name) reflected on the circumstances that led to her pregnancy and shared how the experience has affected and changed her life.
“Growing without a mother during my teenage years was daunting in many ways. My parents ended their marriage when I was just nine years old. My mother had since left my father and I, and moved to Pontian, Johor with my two younger siblings. Since then, I stayed with my father here, in Ayer Tawar, Perak, until this very day.
“At 14, due to transportation issues, I moved to a new secondary school which was closer to my house. I made lots of new friends, and I was very happy there. That was when I knew this guy, Issac, and he was my first boyfriend,” recalled the now 26-year-old.
“He was a caring and kind-hearted guy. But blame it on my immaturity, I lost my virginity to him as we started having sex, or to be more precise – unprotected sex. We met each other almost every day and we were almost inseparable. After seven months of us being together, I began to feel really weird,” Elisa recollected.
Recounting her unpleasant experience, she said: “My attendance at school got worse and I was sent to school counsellors every Monday. In those times, I became really depressed. Yet, I felt that those counselling sessions didn’t help [my attendance] in any way.”
“Aware of my condition, both mentally and physically, my cousin came to visit me one day and took me to a government clinic nearby and persuaded me to go for a medical check-up. After the check-up, the doctor told me that I was pregnant,” she said, adding that her first reaction was, “Oh my God” and couldn’t help but cry.
“I excused myself from going to classes and eventually dropped out of school. To be frank, I wasn’t aware of the consequences of having sex at such a young age. I didn’t even know the symptoms of pregnancy. I had no idea I was pregnant for quite a while,” she confessed, teary-eyed.
Elisa further recalled her father’s reaction after hearing the news, saying he was quite hesitant at first but had later decided and persuaded her to get married. Now, Elisa lives happily with her husband with two young daughters, aged 12 and 7 respectively.
Asked how the experiences she encountered have changed her life? She parted with a word of advice to all youths: “Do whatever you should do at your age and don’t go overboard. Think of the consequences before doing anything. Always restrict your desire to do something bad, especially the young generation out there.”
It’s Time To Change Our Perceptions
Like with the case of Elisa, teenagers are always out to experiment with the opposite sex, unaware of the consequences involved. Yet, it is not for us to be the judge of their actions, neither should we turn a blind eye towards this harsh reality, but instead understand why it happens and spread the awareness.
Aliah reminds the public: “We need to change the social mentality which currently blames teenage girls while ignoring the counterpart to the teenage pregnancy occurring.
“It is counter-productive for us to keep blaming teenage girls for teenage pregnancy without analysing the cause – that is the lack of access to healthcare, contraceptives and the absence of a comprehensive sex education.”
She then added that the Government and society should instead work to provide social and medical support to teenage girls rather than further victimising them.
“Calling teenage pregnancies a social ailment does not do teenage girls justice. Teenage girls who end up being pregnant are as much victims or better yet survivors of a system that failed to educate us on our sexual and reproductive health rights,” she concludes.
In view of this, unwanted teenage pregnancy ought to be viewed as a major issue that society should openly embrace and not be so quick to judge, for it is certainly a difficult challenge going through pregnancy as a teenager.
CSBR joined over 200 human rights organizations from across the world to support the open letter by the International Committee on the Rights of Sex Workers in Europe (ICRSE), which urges Amnesty International Board of Directors to support their draft policy on decriminalization of sex work. The letter was also signed by over 800 individuals.
Statement delivered by Pinar Ilkkaracan on behalf of CSBR & the Women’s Major Group at the Post-2015 negotiations in New York.
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July 28th, 2015
Thank you Ambassador Kamau and Ambassador Donoghue for this meeting.
We thank you very much for the recognition and inclusion of gender equality as a cross-cutting issue throughout the document and the reference to realization of gender equality in the preamble. We appreciate deeply that you have heard our voice.
We also thank you for the inclusion of references to the Beijing Platform for Action, the Program of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development and the outcome documents of their respective reviews in paragraph 12.
We would like to ask for your support to retain these references in their entirety. Beijing, ICPD and the outcome documents of their reviews constitute two decades of negotiations, accumulated knowledge and experience guiding necessary action on gender equality, health, population and development. They serve as the basis and framework of goals 3 and 5.
If our hard-fought stand-alone goal on gender equality, along with its targets, is not placed within the general framework of Beijing, ICPD and their reviews, it will attain a rather much limited and inadequate quality. In that case, it will not be a step forward, but rather a step backward in women’s and girls’ decades of struggle for the realization of gender equality.
We thank you again for the historical success you have accomplished and your support in the last three years.
CSBR is excited to join the Association for Progressive Communications (APC)’s ongoing creative conversation that asks us to #ImagineAFeministInternet.
The first Global Meeting on Gender, Sexuality, & the Internet was held in May 2014 in Malaysia, and “brought together 50 participants from six continents comprising gender and women’s rights activists, LGBTQI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans* and intersex) movements, internet and technology rights organizations, and human rights advocates. The goal of the meeting was to bridge the gap between feminist movements and internet rights movements and look at intersections and strategic opportunities to work together as allies and partners.
The existing discourse around gender and the internet tends to focus on gender components lacking in polices that govern the internet, violations that take place as a result, and the need for increased women’s participation in decision-making forums. In a bid to reframe the conversation, the Global Meeting used a collaborative process to ask the question: ‘As feminists, what kind of internet do we want, and what will it take for us to achieve it?’” [1]
One key outcome of that meeting was the development of an evolving set of 15 Feminist Principles of the Internet, distilled from 3 days of collective conversations.
The 2nd follow-up meeting is being held in Port Dickson, Malaysia, from July 22 – 24th. See more details from the re-post from APC’s website below, by Flavia Fascendi for APCNoticias.
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By Flavia Fascendini for APCNoticias
PERGAMINO, Argentina, 17 July 2015
The second Imagine a Feminist Internet meeting organised by the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) will take place in Malaysia on 22-24 July 2015, as a continuation of the space opened in 2014, where over 50 participants from women’s rights, sexual rights and internet rights organisations discussed and explored intersections of gender, sexuality and technology.
The Feminist Principles of the Internet gathered together agreements from the 2014 meeting and from a Twitter conversation held before the event, and offered a framework to articulate how we imagine the internet as a public space that is safe, engaging, open, free, and conducive to feminist movements. The principles bring attention to five key areas of engagement:
Agency and autonomy
Digital access
Economy
Expression
Movements and public participation.
This year, a group of 45 activists, researchers, academics and techies are meeting again in Malaysia to deepen the discussion around feminism and technology. They will be tweeting on #imagineafeministinternet and we invite you to participate in the conversation by engaging with the hashtag and following@takebackthetech.
Here are some of the key questions we invite you to explore with us:
Access
How can we talk about internet access in a way that locates it within existing social, economic, political and cultural contexts?
How can we guarantee more applicable digital security tools for women in rural areas who have limited internet access?
What are the challenges that privatisation of internet access raises for connectivity for all?
How do we address the exploitation of “saving girls and women from poverty” rhetoric that is upholding further privatisation of internet access and platforms?
Beyond the conversation on access, what does feminist design and usage of technology look like?
Agency and autonomy
How does misogyny manifest on the internet beyond just Twitter trolls and how are women and queers responding to such forms of abuse?
Is the discussion on online misogyny leaving out the experiences of women from the global South?
What does it mean for us to be safe online, as individuals or groups? What are the threats?
How is surveillance, a historic tool of patriarchy, affecting our bodies, lives and activism today?
How do we frame children’s rights to healthy sexual exploration and positive sex education on the internet we have today?
How are feminists engaging with the question of consent on the internet?
Economy
How has the internet affected the gendered economy of migration and labour?
What is digital capital and how is data ownership affecting our struggle for economic justice?
How has the internet disrupted or reinforced capitalist frameworks?
What does it take to make an internet where girls are creators of tech, not just consumers?
How do feminists engage with the movement for free and open source software?
Expression
Is the internet enabling greater diversity of sexual expression or increasing opportunities for the policing of sexuality?
Is the take-down of content that is violent against women a form of censorship?
How has the internet facilitated or restricted the proliferation of feminist expression online?
Who is drawing the line between legitimate and illegitimate sexual expression? How do we understand feminist pornography?
What’s the deal with real name policies and the anti-anonymity rhetoric?
Has technology impacted the constructions of masculinity/femininity/transgenderism?
Movements and public participation
How has the internet facilitated feminist and queer movements of the global South? Are its public spaces dominated by particular forms of activism?
What sort of trends do we see in anti-feminist movements using the internet today?
Should feminists engage with influencing the policies of private companies?
How has the internet shifted the way we understand power, politics and agency? What new nodes of power does it facilitate?
How do we support the capacity of queer and women’s movements to move beyond ICTs for social change and towards a more political engagement with internet governance?
Do you have something to say on these issues? Share your analysis and thoughts on how you imagine a feminist internet and join the conversation on Twitter!
Follow the Storify and watch how this conversation develops! You can also take a peek atlast year’s conversation.
Know more about the Feminist Principles of the Internet
The FPIs are a tool for feminist, women’s and queer movements to articulate and explore issues related to technology. Over the past year, the Feminist Principles have been used to build the case for a free, open and gender-just internet in both women’s rights and internet rights spaces globally, including at the Internet Governance Forum (IGF), the Human Rights Council, the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), the ArabIGF, and the African School on Internet Governance. Groups have also taken this work local, organising around the principles in Bosnia and Herzegovina, India, Indonesia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, among other countries. The development of the Feminist Principles of the Internet also created a significant shift in the ability to articulate and advocate for gender and sexual justice online for those involved in its production.
Luavut Zahid is Pakistan Today’s Special Correspondent. Her work places an emphasis on conflict and disasters, human rights, religious and sexual minorities, climate change, development and governance. She also serves as the Pakistan Correspondent to the Crisis Response Journal.
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A much needed conversation just got started.
To mark the One Day, One Struggle (ODOS) on 9th November, Drag It To The Top began a series of workshops which focused on human rights and bodily rights. The ODOS workshop, which falls under the umbrella of the Coalition of Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR), took place at the Institute of Peace & Secular Studies (IPSS) in Lahore.
The workshops can potentially cause an extremely positive ripple effect because they don’t just aim to drum up dialogues and get people talking, it has the ability to break actual stereotypes. It is the result of collaboration between human rights activists Hadi Hussain, Aisha Haleem, Fakhra Hassan and Fatima A Athar.
In a country like Pakistan, focus on these issues is desperately needed and unfortunately rare. The two-hour multilingual workshop had a focus on Urdu as the main language. Through use of participatory theatre and interactive dialogue it tried to create a safe space where a diverse set of people could come together and discuss body acceptance, body positive and fat-positive attitudes. “Audience members were randomly asked to pick a word (a commonly used label or slur for body type/feature or outward appearance) which they then had to communicate to the audience by enacting it. After the audience guessed it, there would be discussion about the connotations, stereotypes and personal experiences of the audience members as a way to motivate us to think about these things as they manifest in our daily lives,” Fatima informed.
“Our purpose behind the format was to facilitate the process of rethinking as well as relearning of the participants where they would be able to realise the whats, whys and hows of body politics,” Hadi informed while explaining the format. “Through this indirect learning methodology, we gave them space to be open enough to share their ideas regarding various body types and appearances and see what effects they have on others. It was an attempt to initiate self-actualisation process where one can recognise the social construction of all such labels,” he added.
The size of the workshop was also kept small on purpose; however, it doesn’t seem as though the group believes in strength in numbers. Fatima elaborated: “We knew from the get-go we didn’t want the ‘standard’ workshop model that divides attendees into teacher and taught, actor and spectator. There’s too much of that going on already!
“Our aim was to encourage critical thought, and for that we came up with a somewhat unusual model. So we kept the pilot workshop small, with attendees from all walks of life but not very many in total, and plenty of room for individual feedback. This was a workshop where the audience was also the teacher, and we wanted to make sure everyone received the time, attention, and safe space needed to draw out their thoughts. We’re thrilled by the response.”
Figuring out the best way to put the workshop together was also a journey for the group. “Initially, I was thinking of putting together a theatrical performance focused on the politics of oppression but then realised that this kind of activity was in danger of becoming one-sided and detached from experiences of daily life,” Fakhra said. “Drag It To The Top has a tradition of following a community-based approach to events that we have been organising since 2012. We believe in capitalising on human experiences and human bondage. Before the event, at the event and after the event, there is no hierarchy between an organiser and a participant,” she added.
The manner in which the workshop functions is inspired by a need to change the way people perceive things, the way they consume information and the way they react to it. “One fine evening, we started talking about the “extreme news” in the media on violence, sexual harassment, murders, honour killings, rape, insanity and other horror stories of life we see in the papers and in our own lives occupied with nationalist and world politics. I thought “Oh my God, look at all the violence around us. We are so desensitised. We see violence and take it as a given, like passive recipients.
“This happens because we hardly find time and space to talk about our own selves. Look at our lives. Have we ever thought about how it affects our bodies and our psyche? Have we ever talked about how we really perceive ourselves and the others in light of all this violence and injustice in the world? Have we taken a stand to do something uplifting for those we care about? Are we really being true to ourselves?” questioned Fakhra.
The initiative is extremely important because people from Pakistan, and South Asia in a larger context, tend to undermine how essential it is to actually create a dialogue around their bodies. Fakhra feels that this has to change. “We usually undermine the importance of talking about our bodies, our perceptions and our feelings unless there is some kind of violation happening, which is quite frequent here anyway. Unfortunately most of us forget to acknowledge that our bodies are political, the very fabric of our being is political and therefore needs looking after and cared for. “I feel, therefore I am” is highly underrated,” she asserted.
And that is where the group also found their muse. “There it was. The talk had to be about body acceptance and body positivity and creating safe spaces for talking about these issues with comfort and ease. We later on settled for enacting body labels to begin with and decided to bring up the issues during the discussion. I think that worked out quite well,” Fakhra explained.
What seemed like just a discussion on labels at the start began to look more and more like an exercise in addressing and breaking stereotypes soon. The workshop was a multifaceted affair. “Although the labels we talked about involved body politics but it’s all about breaking stereotypes and that’s why we developed the idea of having this workshop in the first place. We wanted to question the hierarchical social construction of different body labels which gives a privileged status to a few while downplaying others. We wanted to challenge why the idea of beauty is always associated with being fair skinned, tall and having a toned/slim body. Why can’t a dark skinned, short, and fat person be beautiful?” Hadi asked.
Pakistan can only progress with this kind of a conversation. The fact that it’s taking place under something like the CBSR also ensures that it will be done in a way that does not alienate anyone’s sentiments. Hadi feels that these kinds of initiatives serve the Pakistani society on multiple levels. “The idea of talking about bodies isn’t unique, as we are always commenting about how people look and appear, but yes talking about bodies in a non-stereotypical way, detached from normative depiction, is quite radical,” he excitedly explained.
“On one hand it will create a discourse of questioning and challenging the way people view various body labels while developing a non-judgmental approach of addressing such labels and on the other it will enable individuals to rise above the body shaming or body privilege they have been experiencing in their daily life. This will definitely have a positive impact on the physical and psychological well being of the individuals,” Hadi said.
The initiative has a lot of things on its list of things-to-do. This was just a small taste of what’s to come. “The workshop series’ overall aim is to promote body positivity and acceptance by exploring the intersection between racism, ableism (a pressing issue — consider the recent event where police beat up blind people protesting for their rights on World Disability Day), sexism, homophobia and transphobia,” Fatima explained.
“Since the first step to solving a problem is naming it, the pilot workshop focused on encouraging participants to reveal and discuss their own bias (conscious or unconscious) as well as personal experiences, as part of putting together a critical evaluation of the cultural vocabulary we use to describe, depict, and shape the ways we think about non-normative bodies and the labels those human beings are reduced to: the disabled, the unattractive, the unusual, the different,” she added.
The group plans to hold multiple workshops addressing the same issues in the future. Fortunately, this is just the beginning.
From 3-5 June 2015, human rights defenders, journalists, bloggers and activists met in Jakarta for a
regional consultation on ‘Expression, Opinion, and Religious Freedom in Asia’. The aim of the Consultation was to discuss, debate, understand and identify solutions for urgent human rights challenges that emerge at the intersections between freedoms of expression and freedom of religion and belief.
While human rights are universal and indivisible, across Asia states and non-state actors are increasingly positing that the rights to freedom of expression and freedom of religion or belief are in opposition, and developing laws and policies to curtail a multitude of fundamental human rights on this basis. The consultation sought to map out some of these threats across countries, including the impacts on education, sexual and reproductive health, freedom of assembly, privacy, the rights to fair trials and due process, and more.
The main objectives of the event were:
To develop an understanding regarding the direction of future advocacy of FoE in the context of religious freedoms;
To understand what role the internet is playing and can play in promoting freedom of expression and religious toleration online;
To raise awareness about Rabat Plan of Action on the prohibition of advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred;
To engage the relevant UN Special Procedures mandate holders in the current debate over issues of Freedom of Expression and Religious Freedoms in Asia; and
To generate global support for the region from research think tanks, academia, donors and human rights friendly governments to help reverse the negative trends on basic freedoms.
In addition to civil society members, the consultation also brought together the former and current UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression, David Kaye and Frank La Rue, to share insights and perspectives on the scope of freedom of expression in line with international human rights law.
David Kaye delivered the keynote address, and also a public lecture outlining the basic framework for freedom of opinion and expression in human rights law, and varying social, cultural, demographic pressures that hinder freedom of expression today. View the lecture here.
After three days of plenaries, round table discussions, and small group work, one outcome of the consultation was the development of the Jakarta Recommendations, a set of civil society calls made to governments and intergovernmental bodies to address setbacks in freedoms of expression and religion, and the intersection of these rights, in the region.
The event was organized by Bytes4All Pakistan, the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), ICT Watch, Global Partners Digital, the Association for Progressive Communication (APC), the Internet Democracy Project, KontraS and the Open Society Foundation.
As the coordination of CSBR moves to GAYa NUSANTARA Foundation (GN), we are now calling for applications for the post of Coordinator hosted by GN in Surabaya, Indonesia.
Please consider applying for the position, or spread the word among your networks. A terms of reference (ToR) is listed below.
Applicants should send an email to sexbodyrights@gmail.com by Tuesday, 10 February 2015, attaching the following:
An essay (max. 1,000 words) explaining why they are interested in the position and what they can bring into CSBR work in the future;
A recent CV (please make sure it contains information relevant to the requirements laid out in the ToR);
A recent passport-size photograph (electronic file);
Two letters of recommendation from previous employers.
Short-listed candidates will be interviewed by telephone or Skype. Questions of remuneration will be discussed then.
CSBR COORDINATOR – TERMS OF REFERENCE
BACKGROUND
The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR) is an international solidarity network of NGO representatives, academics and researchers advocating for sexual and bodily rights as human rights in Muslim societies. Its scope of work covers the Middle East, North Africa, and South and Southeast Asia. CSBR is governed by a General Assembluy of our member organizations, through an Advisory Council. The day-to-day work is carried out by a Coordinator, hosted at an elected member organization. Starting from 1 January 2015, the Coordinating Office is hosted by GAYa NUSANTARA Foundation in Surabaya, Indonesia.
ROLES & RESPONSIBILITIES
• Working in consultation with the team, ensure effective coordination and implementation of the work
• Act as the focal point with member organizations, and other relevant actors
• Facilitate collaborative processes with diverse partners
• Facilitate communication among member organizations; and documentation of meetings and events
• Initiate and coordinate advocacy initiatives or influence strategies
• Initiate and coordinate activities for campaigns, meetings, and researches
• Facilitate the sharing of critical resources about the CSBR and its work with all member organizations, as well as the public, media and governments
• Assist in the development of campaigns
• Handle logistics for planned events
• Write the content of a variety of communication material (press release, flyer, statement, online post, etc.)
REQUIREMENTS
• Passion for women’s rights, human rights, equality and justice; demonstrated commitment to human rights issues in general, and sexual and bodily rights in particular
• Experience in playing a lead role in developing and implementing a campaign/s, experience in working with a coalition or network
• Excellent and proven communication and interpersonal skills with a wide variety of multi-cultural, multi-lingual groups and actors
• Ability to work as part of a multi-cultural team, and independently.
• Excellent written and verbal English communication skills
• Strong writing and editing skills; keen attention to detail
• Proficiency in Office applications and experience with online communications and social media
• Strong organizational skills
• Ability to multi-task
• Minimum bachelor’s degree in social sciences, human rights, international relations, communication, journalism, public administration or other related field
November 9 2014 marks the 6th annual celebration of One Day, One Struggle. This time, every year, CSBR member organizations join forces to campaign locally and globally for sexual and bodily rights. Events will be happening around the world over the coming week, here are some:
Tunisia
Association Tunisienne des Femmes Democrates (ATFD) is launching a campaign to repeal article 227 bis of the plenal code and which allows a minor to marry her rapist.
Turkey
Women for Women’s Human Rights – New Ways, KAOS GL, and LambdaIstanbul are reading the Istanbul Convention through the lens of its emphasis on sexual and bodily rights. A series of informative and inspiring infographics and caps are distributed online and offline to highlight the importance of The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (a.k.a. Istanbul Convention) in the fields of sexual and bodily rights. The information is available in English and Turkish.
Bangladesh
The Centre for Gender, Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights, housed at the James P Grant School of Public Health, BRAC University are screening a 20 minute clip from Fauzia Khans film, “Je Golper Shesh Nei” on Sunday, November 9, 2014. The rest of the event will be an open discussion on what sexual bodily rights means in Bangladesh with questions to:
Neda Shakiba, Head of Student Affairs, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh
Joya Sikder, leader of the Sex workers union of Bangladesh
Farhin S Kabir, Representative, Shombob (Bangladesh’s first LBT Rights Advocacy Organization)
Indonesia
GAYa NUSANTARA and the C2O Library are screening “Lovely Man.”
Pakistan
Aahung, SPARC & Madadgar are organizing an awareness raising session for parents and teachers on Child Sexual Abuse in a school for the underprivileged children.
Drag It to the Top is hosting a series of workshops on bodily rights and human rights starting in Lahore in November 2014. The first workshop will be held at the Institute of Peace & Secular Studies (IPSS) in Lahore. The aim of the 2-hour workshop is to create comfortable safe spaces for expression and dialogues leading up to body acceptance, body positive and fat-positive attitudes. The workshop will be moderated by Hadi Hussain and Aisha Haleem. A human rights activist, Hadi is one of the founding members of the Organization for the Protection & Propagation of Rights of Sexual Minorities (OPPRSM) and teaches women and gender studies at a public sector university in Lahore. Aisha, also a human rights activist is another founding member of OPPRSM and a well-known motivational speaker. Aisha manages business processes for US consultancy firm isiFederal. The event is admitting and registering participants by invitation-only. The program entails a mix-and- match of interactive discussions and activities focused on understanding body politics of daily life. Drag It to the Top administrators will also be live tweeting key messages exchanged amongst the moderators and participants of the workshop under the #JHIH hashtag which expands to Jismani Haqooq, Insani Haqooq (Bodily Rights, Human Rights). Anyone on Twitter can join the conversation by including the #JHIH hashtag. A short documentary-film, “That’s What She Said,” will also be screened during the workshop.
Malaysia
Women’s Aid Organization and Sisters in Islam are kicking off the campaign at 10am until 9pm on 9 November 2014. Follow @SistersInIslam and @womensaidorg on Twitter (if you haven’t already), #SBR4ALL, #WhySexEd, #EndChildMarriage, #abortionmyths, and #sexbodyrights. You may also follow Sisters In Islam on Facebook.
Let’s work together and get as many people involved in our fight for Sexual and Bodily Rights for all!
For more information on each event, write to coordinator@csbronline.org and follow @sexbodyrights.
Designed as a comprehensive curriculum on sexuality, sexual and reproductive health and rights with an in-depth discussion on the linkages between research and practice, the CSBR Sexuality Institute offers a holistic interdisciplinary program combining history, theory, research and politics of sexuality with applications of advocacy and fieldwork.
Gender, Economic, Social and Ecological Justice for Sustainable Development
A Feminist Declaration for Post 2015
As the United Nations decides on the future course of international development Post 2015, women of all ages, identities, ethnicities, cultures and across sectors and regions, are mobilizing for gender, social, cultural, economic and ecological justice, sustainable development and inclusive peace. We seek fundamental structural and transformational changes to the current neoliberal, extractivist and exclusive development model that perpetuates inequalities of wealth, power and resources between countries, within countries and between men and women. We challenge the current security paradigm that increases investments in the military-industrial complex, which contributes to violent conflict between and within countries.
We demand a paradigm transformation from the current neoliberal economic model of development, which prioritizes profit over people, and exacerbates inequalities, war and conflict, militarism, patriarchy, environmental degradation and climate change. Instead, we call for economic models and development approaches that are firmly rooted in principles of human rights and environmental sustainability, that address inequalities between people and states, and that rebalance power relations for justice so that the result is sustained peace, equality, the autonomy of peoples, and the preservation of the planet.
This transformational shift requires the redistribution of unequal and unfair burdens on women and girls in sustaining societal well being and economies, intensified in times of violence and conflict, as well as during economic and ecological crises. It also must bring attention to the kind of growth generated and for this growth to be directed toward ensuring well being and sustainability for all. It must tackle intersecting and structural drivers of inequalities, and multiple forms of discrimination based on gender, age, class, caste, race, ethnicity,place of origin, cultural or religious background, sexual orientation, gender identity, health status and abilities. This involves reviewing and reforming existing laws and policies that criminalize consensual behaviors related to sexuality and reproduction.
A development model that will work for women and girls of all ages and identities must be firmly rooted in international human rights principles and obligations, including non-retrogression, progressive realization, and the Rio principles, including common but differentiated responsibilities, as well as the fulfillment of the Cairo Program of Action, the Beijing Platform for Action, and Extraterritorial Obligations of States as outlined in the Maastricht Principles. It also requires states to have ratified and implemented international human rights treaties, including on economic and social rights and women’s human rights, and multilateral environmental agreements. Any sustainable development framework Post 2015 must aim for social inclusion and equity, human security and sustainable peace, the fulfillment of human rights for all and gender equality. It requires reviewing the current security paradigm of investing heavily in militarized peace and security; respecting the secularity of the State where this is enshrined in national norms; reversing the current model of over-consumption and production to one of sustainable consumption, production, and distribution; and ensuring a new ecological sustainability plan that applies a biosphere approach and respect for planetary boundaries and ecological sustainability.
We aim to build political commitment and to overcome financial and legal obstacles to sustainable development, peace, and the respect, protection and fulfillment of all women’s human rights. We urge the international community to address the unjust social, economic and environmental conditions that perpetuate armed conflict,violence and discrimination, the feminization of poverty, commodification of natural resources, and threats to food sovereignty that impede women and girls from becoming empowered, realizing their human rights and achieving gender equality.
Specifically, we call for:
Gender equality to be cross-cutting across all sustainable development goals, strategies and objectives, as well as astand alone goal to achieve gender equality, women’s empowerment and the full realization of women’s human rightsthat contributes to the redistribution of the current concentration of power, wealth and resources, including information and technology. We call for anend to all forms of gender-basedviolenceincluding early and forced marriages, female genital mutilation, honor killings and sexual violence, especially during and after conflict and natural disasters; an end to all forms of discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, race, ethnicity, cultural background and health status; a guarantee of women’s equal, full and effective participation at all levels of political, private and public life, leadership and decision-making, including in all peace processes; a guarantee of all women’s equal rights to land and property; a guarantee of all women’s sexual, bodily and reproductive autonomy free from stigma, discrimination and violence; and the collection of data and statistics, disaggregated by, among others, gender, age, race, ethnicity, location, disability and socio-economic status to inform the formulation, monitoring and evaluation of laws, policies and programs.
Any goal on education must include specific means to address the social, cultural and community practices that prevent girls, adolescents and women across the life-course from accessing and completing education and lifelong learning; create enabling environments for girls’ learning, including safety, hygiene, and mobility; achieve universal access to quality early childhood, primary, secondary and tertiary education for all children and eliminate gender gaps, with a focus on transitions between primary-secondary and secondary-tertiary in order to ensure retention and completion by girls, adolescents and young people; provide formal and non-formal education for all women to be aware of and able to exercise their human rights;ensure comprehensive sexuality education programs that promote values of respect for human rights, freedom, non-discrimination, gender equality, non-violence and peace-building; implement education curricula that are gender-sensitive and eliminate gender stereotypes, sexism, racism and homophobia, and that provide teacher training to enable the delivery of unbiased, non-judgmental education
Any goal on health must include the achievement of the right to the highest attainable standard of health, including sexual and reproductive health and rights. Health services must be integrated and comprehensive, free from violence, coercion, stigma and discrimination, and emphasize equitable access, especially for adolescents, to contraception, including emergency contraception, information on assisted reproduction, maternity care, safe abortion, prevention and treatment of STIs and prevention, treatment, care and support of HIV, as well as services for those suffering from violence and in situations of emergencies and armed conflict. All services must be accessible, affordable, acceptable and of quality. New investments and strategies for health and the development of goals, targets and indicators must be firmly based on human rights, including sexual and reproductive rights.
To ensure economic justice we call for an enabling international environment for development that upholds the extra-territorial obligation of states to ensure macroeconomic and financial policies meet economic and social rights as enshrined in the Maastricht principles.This includes development-oriented trade, fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies, progressive tax measures, a sovereign debt workout mechanism, and ending trade and investment treaties that impoverish nations and people;challenging global intellectual property rights frameworks; eliminating harmful subsidies; boosting productive capacity through an inclusive and sustainable industrialization strategy of diversified economic sectors moving from carbon intensive to safe and environmentally sound societies; transforming the gendered division of labor and assuring the redistribution of paid and unpaid work, while ensuring decent work and a living wage for all; implementing a universal social protection floor for persons of all ages to access basic services such as health care,child and elder care, education, food, water, sanitation, energy, housing and employment; recognition and account for the value of care work and protect the rights of care workers throughout the global care chain and guarantee women’s equal access to resources; promotion of technology transfer, financing, monitoring, assessment, and research in line with the precautionary principle; increased financing for gender equality and women’s human rights and re-directing investments in the warfare industry from militarized security to human security.
To promote ecological justice, we call for ensuring the health of ecosystems and ecosystem services are protected and restored and that the intrinsic value of nature is recognized and respected;an end to the commodification of nature; securing safe, sustainable and just production and consumption patterns and eliminating hazardous substances and technologies; ensuring food and water sovereignty for all, paying particular attention to small holder farmers and fisher-folk, who are often women, as key economic actors whose right to use and own land and access forests, grass and waste-lands, rivers, lakes, seas and oceans should be protected through legally binding safeguards, including against land and resource grabbing; respect for the unique knowledge of indigenous peoples and local communities, including peasant and coastal communities, and ensuring the right to free, prior and informed consent in any development projects that may affect the lands, territories and resources which they own, occupy or otherwise use; address the inequality, pressure and exploitation of women living in poverty within urban and rural communities, including through reversing rapid and unsustainable urbanization to prevent degradation of ecosystems and exploitation of resources that exacerbates injustice in urban, peri-urban and rural areas. Ecological justice requires a strengthened United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, fulfillment of the Maastricht Principles on Extraterritorial Obligations of States, and a clear recognition of the cultural and ecosystem losses that climate change has already failed to save- and the crises faced by small island developing states- particularly by strengthening the newly established Loss and Damage mechanism under the UNFCCC.
With regard to governance and accountability and means of implementation of the sustainable development framework, we call for a prioritization of public financing over public-private partnerships as well as transparency and accountability in both public and private actions related to sustainable development. Private sector is profit-oriented by nature and not obligated to invest in social needs and global public goods. Today, thirty-seven of the world’s 100 largest economies are corporations. The public sector—whose crucial roles include the financing necessary for poverty eradication, meeting social needs and financing global public goods—thus remains essential for a sustainable development financing strategy. All public budgets need to be transparent, open to public debate,gender responsive and allocate adequate resources to achieving these priorities, including through the implementation of international financial transaction taxes. We must ensure the meaningful participation of women in the design, delivery, monitoring and evaluation of the development goals, policies and programs, as well as during peace-building efforts, protect all women human rights defenders, and guarantee their safety and non persecution. There must be access to effective remedies and redress at the national level for women’s human rights violations. Monitoring and evaluation should include reporting of states on their obligations before the Universal Periodic Review, CEDAW and its Optional Protocol, and other human rights mechanisms and under multilateral environmental agreements. Regulation, accountability and transparency of non-state actors, particularly trans-national corporations and public-private partnerships, are critical for achieving sustainable development.Justice will not be possible without effective governance mechanisms, for which it is necessary to guarantee the respect for, enforceability and justiciability of all human rights, as well as ensuring the rule of law and the full participation of civil society, in conditions of equality between men and women.
List of Signatories (as of February 28, 2014)
1325 Policy Group-Sweden
AAARP International
Aahung- Pakistan
AAWU (All Afghan Women Union)- Afghanistan
Action Aid International
Action Canada for Population and Development- Canada
Adéquations- France
ADPDH- Mauritania
Advocates for Youth and Health Development- Nigeria
AEEFG- Tunisia
African Indigenous Women’s Organization
African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET)
AIDS Accountability International
Akahata-Equipo de Trabajo en Sexualidades y Géneros
Akina Mama waAfrika( AMwA)- Uganda
Alianza LAC juventudesrumbo a Cairo +20- Latin America and the Caribbean
Alianzapor la Solidaridad
American Jewish World Service- USA
Anis – Institute of Bioethics, Human Rights and Gender (Brazil)
ApnaGhar, Inc- USA
Arab Women’s Organization- Jordan
Arab Youth Network for SRHR
ArticulaciónFeministaMarcosur- Latin America
Articulación Regional Feminista- Latin America
Articulación Regional de Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil de América Latina y el Caribe hacia Cairo más 20- Latin America and the Caribbean
Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD)
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants- Hong Kong
Asia Pacific Resource and Research Centre for Women (ARROW)
Asia Pacific Women’s Watch (APWW)
AsociaciónLatinoamericana de Población-ALAP
Association Camerounaise pour la Prise en charge des PersonnesAgees- Cameroun
Association for Liberty and Equality for Gender (ALEG)- Romania
Association for Women’s Rights and Development (AWID)
Association of War Affected Women
ASTRA Network
ATHENA Network
Atria, institute on Gender Equality and Women’s History
Aurora New Dawn
Austrian Family Planning Association
Aware Girls- Pakistan
Balance, Promociónpara el desarrollo y la juventud- Mexico
BanteaySrei- Cambodia
Beyond Beijing Committee (BBC)- Nepal
Black Sea Women’s Club- Ukraine
Bougainville Women’s Federation- Papua New Guinea
CamASEAN Youth’s Future (CamASEAN)- Cambodia
Cameroon Indigenous Women’s Forum- Cameroon
Campaña 28 de Septiembrepor la Despenalización del Aborto de América Latina y el Caribe
CampañaporunaConvenciónInteramericana de los DerechosSexuales y Reproductivos
Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network
Canadian Network of Women’s Shelters and Transition Houses- Canada
Caribbean Family Planning Association
Caring Economy Campaign
CatchAFyah Caribbean Feminist Network
CBM- Europe
Center for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
Center for Encounter and active non-violence-Austria
Center for Health and Gender Equity (CHANGE)- USA
Center for Partnership Studies
Center for Reproductive Rights
Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL)
Centre for Creative Initiatives in Health and Population (CCIHP)- Vietnam
Centre for Health Education, Training and Nutrition Awareness (CHETNA)- India
Centre for Human Rights and Climate Change Research
Centro Feminista de Estudos e Assessoria: CFEMEA
66. ChimkentWomenresource Center, Kazakhstan
Circle Connections- USA
Círculo de Juventud Afrodescendiente de lasAméricas-CJAA
Civic Initiatives Support Center
CoaliciónCaribeñaPoblación y Desarrollo
Coalición Contra el Tráfico de Mujeres y Niñas en América Latina y El Caribe
CoaliciónNacional de SC hacia Cairo más 20
Coaliciónpor la Salud de lasMujeres en México
CoaliciónSalvadoreña de Mujeresrumbo a Cairo + 20
Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR)
Coalition of African Lesbians (CAL)
COC Netherlands
ComisiónNacional de SeguimientoMujeresporDemocracia, equidad y ciudadanía- CNSmujeres
Comité de América Latina y El Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer- CLADEM
Common Language- China
Community Practitioners Platform- Guatemala
Congo Men´s Network (COMEN)- Congo
ConsejoLatinoamericano de Iglesias-CLAI
ConsejoLatinoamericano y del Caribe de organizaciones no gubernamentales con servicio en VIH/SIDA- LACASSO
ConsorcioLatinoamericano contra el abortoinseguro-CLACAI
ConsorcioLatinoamericano de Anticoncpeción de Emergencia-CLAE
Coordinación de Mujeres del Paraguay
Coordinación Red FeministaCentroamericana contra la ViolenciahacialasMujeres-CEMUJER
Coordinadora de la Mujer- Bolivia
Corporación Centro de Apoyo popular –CENTRAP
Corporación Humanas- Chile
CREA- India
Danish Socialdemocratic Youth- Denmark
Danish Women´s Society- Denmark
Darfur Women’s Association
Darpana- India
Citizens Resource and Action Initiative- India
Day Ku Aphiwat (DKA)- Cambodia
Democracy in Action
Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era – DAWN
Diverse Voices in Action for Equality (DIVA)- Fiji
Drag it to the Top- Pakistan
Dutch Council of Women- Netherlands
East African Women
Ecco-Accord- Russia
Ecumenical, Multicultural Equity for Women in the Church Community–United States
Education as Vaccine EVA- Nigeria
Education International- Belgium
Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights- Egypt
Ekta- India
El Closet de Sor Juana- Mexico
ELA- Argentina
Ender- Solomon Islands
Engender- South Africa
Enlace Continental de MujeresIndígenas de lasAméricas
EquisJusticia par alas Mujeres- Mexico
EspacioIberoamericano de Juventud
Faculty of Postgraduate Studies- University of Health Sciences, Laos
Family Planning Association of Trinidad and Tobago- Trinidad and Tobago
Fellowship of Reconciliation
Feminist Approach to Technology- India
121. Feminist League Almaty, Kazakhstan
122. Feminist League Kokshetay, Kazakhstan
Feminist Task Force
Femmes Africa Solidarité
Femmes et DroitsHumains- Mali
FIAN International
Fiji Women’s Rights Movement
Fortress of Hope Africa- Kenya
Forum of Women’s NGOs of Kyrgyzstan
Fountain-ISOKO for Good Governance and Integrated Development- Burundi
Friends of the Earth- Ukraine
Fundación Guatemala
Fundación Mexicana Para la Planificación Familiar- México
FundaciónparaEstudio e Investigación de la Mujer (FEIM), Argentina
Fundaciónpara la Formación de LíderesAfrocolombianosAfrolider- Colombia
GADIP- Sweden
Gather the Women
GAYa NUSANTARA- Indonesia
Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ)- Zimbabwe
Gender and Development Network (GADN)- UK
Genre deme So- Mali
Genre en Action
Gestos- HIV, Communication and Gender- Brazil
Global Action on Aging
Global Forrest Coalition
Global Fund for Women
Global Network of Women Peacebuilders
GPPAC Western Balkans
Graduate women association of the Netherlands, VVAO
Gray Panthers- USA
Greater New Orleans
Grupo de Información en Reproducción Elegida- GIRE
Grupo de Seguimiento a Cairo- Bolivia
Grupo de Trabajo en Sexualidades y Géneros Argentina
GrupoGénero y Macroeconomía de América Latina- GEMLAC
GrupoInternacional de Mujeres y SIDA-IAWC International Community of Women living with HIV-AISD-
Help Age International
Huairou Commission
Humanitarian Organization for Poverty Eradication (HOPE-PK)- Pakistan
ICW Latina
ILGA LAC
INCRESE- Nigeria
Indian Christian Women’s Movement- India
Indian Women Theologians’ Forum- India
Indigenous Information network and African Indigenous women’s organization- East Africa
Initiative for the Elimination of Violence against Women and Children-Nigeria
Institute for Science and Human Values, USA
Institute of Human Rights Communication Nepal (IHRICON)
Institutes for Women and Global Change- Costa Rica
Instituto de Liderazgo Simone de Beauvoir- Mexico
InstitutoQualivida
InterAfrica Network for Women- FAMEDEV
International Alliance of Women
International Council on Social Welfare
International Ecological Assosiation of Women of the Orient, Kazakhstan
International Federation of Social Workers
International Fellowship of Reconcilliation
International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC), United States
International Kontakt- Denmark
International Lesbian and Gay Association- ILGA
International Network for the Prevention of Elder Abuse
International Planned Parenthood Federation-IPPF
International Public Policy Institute
International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)
International Women’s Partnership for Peace and Justice (IWP)- Thailand
International Women’s Development Agency- IWDA
International Women’s Health Coalition- IWHC
International Women´s Rights Project
Ipas
IraqiIndependentWomanOrganization (IIWO) / Iraq
Isis International
Italian Association for Women in Development (AIDOS)- Italy
Italian Coordination of the European Womenìs Lobby / Lef-Italia
IWRAW- Asia Pacific
JAGORI- India
Just Associates (JASS)
KALYANAMITRA- Indonesia
Kampuchea Women Welfare Association (KWWA)- Cambodia
KULU- Women and Development- Denmark
LANDESA
Leadership for Environment and Development Southern and Eastern Africa- Malawi
LeitanaNehan Women’s Development Agency, Autonomous Region of Bougainville, Papua New Guinea
Lesbianas, Gays. Bisexuales, Trans e intersexuales de América Latina y El Carible
LokChetnaVikas Kendra- LCVK India
MADRE
MahilaSarvangeenUtkarshMandal (MASUM), India
Matrix Support Group- Lesotho
Meditteranean Women’s Fund
Men for Gender Equality, MfJ, Sweden
Men’s Resources International
MenEngage Alliance-Nepal
Mesa de Vigilanciapor la Defensa de los DerechosSexuales y ReproductivosPerú
Mesa Interinstitucional de Mujeres- Colombia
Middle East and North Africa Partnership for Preventing of Armed Conflict (MENAPAC)
Monfemnet- Mongolia
MouvementFrançais pour le Planning Familial- France
MovimientoLatinoamerica y del Caribe de MujeresPositivas, MLCM+
Mujer y Salud Uruguay (MYSU)
Multicultural Women Peace Makers Network
Nansen Dialogue Centre-Serbia
Nansen Dialogue Centre- Montenegro
Naripokkho- Bangladesh
National Alliance of Women’s Human Rights Defenders (NAWHRD)- Nepal
National Council of Women- USA
National Fisheries Solidarity Movement- India
New Wineskins Feminist Ritual Community- USA
NGO Gender Group- Myanmar
Niger Delta Women’s movement for Peace and Development (NDWPD), Nigeria
Non-Violence Network in theArabCountries
Pacific Women’s Indigenous Network
Pacific Youth Council
Partners for Law and Development- India
PermanentPeaceMovement (PPM)
Permanent Peace Movement (PPM)- Lebanon
Phoenix Women Take Back the Night
PILIPINA Legal Resources Center, The Philippines
PlataformaJuvenilSalvadoreñapor los derechossexuales y derechosreproductivos
Platform Women & Sustainable Peace (Platform VDV)- Netherlands
Polish Federation for Women and Family Planning (FEDERA)- Poland
Popular Education Programme- South Africa
Population Matters- UK
Programme on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights- India
Project Swarajya- India
Promundo- Brasil
Psychology, Trauma & Mindfulness Centre (PTMC), Australia
The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR) is deeply disappointed with the December 11 ruling of the Indian Supreme Court reversing the 2009 Delhi High Court verdict that recognized same sex relationships between consenting adults to be outside the purview of Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code. This section criminalizes sexual acts “against the order of nature,” and has been used in the past to discriminate against those with non-conforming genders and sexualities. In dismissing the premise of the 2009 verdict and declaring it as “legally unsustainable,” the Supreme Court has contributed to the erasure of over two decades of organizing in India for the freedom of sexual and gender expression and protection from harassment and abuse on grounds of sexual difference.
We join our Indian colleagues in protesting the Court’s inability to recognize Section 377 as a colonial vestige that is not reflective of a homegrown culture. As contended in the Court, Section 377 was passed during the colonial period and reflects British values from the Victorian era. The Indian court’s torpor reflects its inability to disengage from colonial prejudices. We also protest the voices that have hailed the judgment as religiously and culturally appropriate. The multiple religious leaders uniting to express their dissent against homosexuality are in fact expressing hegemonic cultural values that surfaced during the colonial period, and are disregarding the role of sexual and gender minorities in shaping their own religions. Moreover, India is a multicultural country where no definition of “Indian” culture can represent the entire populace. India is also a secular country, where it is unconstitutional to allow hegemonies that originate from one or even several religions to shape legal proceedings.
We stand with our Indian colleagues in their continuing struggle against this and other denigrating laws that have been used to criminalize and discriminate against vulnerable communities on the basis of caste, ethnicity, gender and sexuality. Section 377, in declaring “carnal sex against the order of nature” to be unlawful, criminalizes all sexual acts except penile-vaginal penetration, and contrary to the claims made by the Supreme Court, infringes on the rights of large fractions of the Indian population.
We demand that the Indian government discuss Section 377 in the Parliament and in the spirit of inclusiveness promised in the Indian constitution repeal a law that has led to the marginalization and denial of the existence and expression of multiple forms of genders and sexualities.
This statement has been endorsed by the Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslims Societies and the following organizations:
– AlQaws, for gender and sexual diversity in Palestinian Society (Palestine) – GAYa NUSANTARA (Indonesia) – Women’s Aid Organization (Malaysia)
November 9 2013 marks the 5th annual celebration of One Day, One Struggle. This time, every year, CSBR member organizations join forces to campaign locally and globally for sexual and bodily rights. Events will be happening around the world over the coming week, here are some:
Bedayaa Organization for LGBTIQ In the Nile Valley, Egypt & Sudan: An online campaign that includes blogging , Facebook and Twitter. On the ground, graffiti will be drawn on the walls in the city of Cairo that expresses the content of the campaign and its goals. Finally, on November 9, there will be an open day with panel discussion about sexual and bodily rights from queer perspectives, showing short films and open discussion about the concept of privacy.
Vision, Pakistan: “Bol” (Speak) is a student poster exhibit with each participant expressing in writing their feelings about themselves and the kind of change and freedom they would want to see in the gay world of Pakistan today.
GAYa NUSANTARA, Indonesia: “Me Vs. Family – Understanding, Surviving, and Loving your own Family” is a four day movie and arts performance festival at Balai Pemuda.
Women Research Institute, Indonesia: “Penguatan Remaja Untuk Mendapatkan Hak Kesehatan Reproduksi yang Komprehensif” (Youth Empowering for Comprehensive Reproductive Health Services) is a seminar on youth and reproductive health issues.
Bishkek Feminist Collective SQ, Kyrgyzstan, are planning to launch a study group on “Feminisms and Islam” within the framework of Open Feminist School and start a small online (through social media) photo campaign that will focus on Islamophobia in the society and the stereotyping of Muslim women as docile, not able to choose for themselves, submissive, etc.
For more information on each event, write to coordinator@csbronline.org.
بيان تضامن مع مطالب العدالة ضد الإساءة والإهانة للأجساد غير النمطية من قبل بلدية الدكوانة، لبنان
لقد احتج العديد من الناس ضد الظلم الذي مارسته بلدية الدكوانة يوم السبت الماضي في ٢٠ نيسان ٢٠١٣. أنطوان شختورة، رئيس بلدية الدكوانة، أمر قوى الأمن الداخلي بمداهمة وإغلاق ناد يرتاده أشخاص ذي أنواع اجتماعية وتوجهات جنسية غير نمطية. أمرت قوى الأمن الداخلي لإجراء عملية اختطاف تعسفية داخل صناديق سياراتهم الأمنية واعتدوا وأذلوا 4 أشخاص، من بينهم/ن من أجبرت على خلع ملابسها أمام رجال قوى الأمن الداخلي في مقر بلدية الدكوانة وبإشراف رئيس البلدية وذلك “للتحقق من كون المرأة رجلا أو امرأة”. وقد أخذ رجال شرطة البلدية صورا بإشراف السيد شختورة وجرى توزيعها على وسائل الإعلام. أنطوان شختورة، رئيس بلدية الدكوانة، أعلن قراره بشكل صارخ، لاعتقال وإذلال وتعيير المتحولين جنسيا ونكر بشدة إجرامية أفعاله وأفعال البلدية و قال:
“لقد خلعنا ملابسهم، في مكتبنا، في مركز البلدية، بالطبع. ويجب أن نعلم. رأينا أمرا فضائحيا يحصل، ولذلك كان علينا أن نعلم، ما الأمر؟ الفجور في الشوارع العامة… نعم… ولكن هل هي امرأة أم رجل؟ لا، اتضح أنها نصف امرأة ونصف رجل”.
هذه الاعتقالات والاحتجاز غير القانوني، والإهانة وتحرش رجال الشرطة تمثل تسعفا في استعمال السلطة، وتعميما لعنف أمني، واعتداءً إجرامياً. كما ندرك كراهية الن الواضحة في أفعال وأقوال السيد شختورة من خلال دوره في النظام البطريركي، لضبط واستقصاء ومن خلال الدور الجندري للشرطة من جهة، بهدف ضبط ومعاقبة أي خروج عن هذه الأدوار الجندرية من جهة أخرى. كما نشهد على كراهية النساء المتأصلة في هذا الاعتداء، حيث وصف شختورة “خلع ملابس” رجل كامرأة ورفاقه كأمر بغيض وجنائي وهجوم على “قلعة الصمود للدكوانة”.
وتتخذ البلديات في لبنان قرارات تستحق الشجب وهي مسألة متنامية وتبعث على القلق، وقد اتخذت بلديات لبنانية، ومن بينها بلدية الدكوانة، على عاتقها فرض دولة بوليسية تقمع حرية التنقل للسوريين والمهاجرين في لبنان، مع تسجيل العديد من اعتداءات الشرطة والتشدد العنفي حيالهم.
أنطوان شختورة لديه السلطة والموارد الأجهزة الأمنية لفرض جو من رهاب المتحولين جنسيا على الأخلاق. وليس من اختصاص قوى الأمن الداخلي أن تجرد الناس بالقوة من ملابسها وتفحص أعضائها الجنسية، وإنه أمر يستدعي الشجب أن تشعر بلدية الدكوانة أن لها الحق لتصوير ونشر صور لأجساد الأشخاص المعتدى عليهم/ن ولأعضائهم/ن الجنسية، الأمر الذي نعتبره اعتداءً للذاتية الجنسية، أي اغتصاب. هذا السلوك يشكل اعتداء إجراميا من جانب بلدية الدكوانة وبشكل مباشر، رئيسها السيد شختورة. لقد أصبح واضحا منذ وقوع الحادث أن السيد شختورة يستهدف بطريقة استراتيجية الأفراد الذين لا يتمتعون بدعم سياسي، كاللاجئين السوريين وأشخاص ذي أنواع اجتماعية غير نمطية والطبقة العاملة، في محاولة منه لتأكيد سلطته تمهيدا للانتخابات البلدية المقبلة.
نحن ندرك الصلات العميقة والتشابه بين تجارب شعوبنا في جنوب الكرة الأرضية ونحتج بشدة ضد القرارات والسلوك المعادي للمتحولين جنسيا الذي قامت به السلطات المنتخبة وقوى الأمن الداخلي واضطهاد المتحولين جنسيا والعمال الأجانب كأداة سياسية. ونطالب القضاء اللبناني أن لا تتساهل إزاء الاضطهاد غير المشروع والتعسف في استعمال السلطة التي ارتكبها السيد شختورة وبلديته وأيضا نحث سكان الدكوانة الضغط بهدف إقالة السيد شختورة من منصبه.
إن الموقعين/ات على هذا البيان يرفضون ويرفضن ويدينون ويدنّ كل شكل من أشكال العنف الذي تمارسه السلطة من خلال الوحشية التي تمارسها الشرطة، وتتغاضى عنها السلطة، عبر اعتدائها على الحريات الاجتماعية والسياسية والجسدية. هذا الاعتداء يشكل استمرارا لوحشية الشرطة والتعسف في استعمال السلطة والاعتداءات الإجرامية والاغتصاب. فالشرطة اللبنانية اعتدت على الاستقلالية الجنسية ل٣٦ عامل في سينما بلازا في منطقة النبعة من خلال إجبارهم على الخضوع لفحوصات شرجية (اختبار المثلية الجنسية جرى التنديد به من قبل نقابة الأطباء)، الاعتداء على المهاجرين الأجانب في منطقة الدورة على يد قوى الأمن الداخلي، والاعتداء على متظاهرين سياسيين أمام السفارة المصرية في كانون الثاني 2010 والاعتداء على ناشطين من جمعية شمل خلال اعتصامهم المطالب بقانون مدني للزواج أمام مبنى مجلس النواب اللبناني، كما الهجمة الشرسة، التي بقيت دون حل، والتي شنها أعضاء في الحزب السوري القومي الاجتماعي على ناشطين سياسيين في منطقة الحمرا، وفي المرحلة الحالية الاعتداء على أجساد المتحولين جنسيا من قبل رئيس البلدية السيد شختورة، والهجوم على عاملات الجنس خلال برنامج “إنت حر” التلفزيوني. ندعو السلطة اللبنانية إلى إدانة جميع أشكال الانتهاكات على الحريات الاجتماعية والسياسية والجسدية ووقف إباحته لانتهاكه سيادة القانون.
ونحن نحيي كل الأفراد (في هذه الحالة المتحولين جنسيا والسوريين) الذين يعيشون تحت التهديد اليومي من الاعتداءات الجسدية والكلامية والعنف الممنهج ونشيد بالمؤسسة اللبنانية للإعلام(LBC) لفضحها إجرام بلدية الدكوانة ومطالبتها المستمرة بتحقيق العدالة. ونحن هنا ندعو إلى وحدة المجتمع المدني اللبناني والحركات الناشطة لتنظيم جماعيا حول تزايد حالات انتهاكات الشرطة، والعنف والوحشية والتجاوزات غير المعاقبة بواسطة المسؤولين الرسميين.
ملاحظة إلى الموقعين/الموقعات نشكركم/نشكركن على تبنيكم/تبنيكن لهذا البيان تضامنا مع مطالب العدالة ضد الاعتداء والتردي ضد الأجساد غير النمطية من قبل بلدية الدكوانة. ونحن نحثكم/ نحثكن على نشر هذا البيان في منظماتكم/ منظماتكن ومعارفكم/معارفكن وأن تعملوا/تعملن على إيصاله إلى وسائل الإعلام والانضمام إلى حملة الحشد الجماهيري في لبنان وعالم الجنوب في السعي لتحقيق العدالة. الرجاء تسجيل بريدكم/ بريدكن الالكتروني: solidarity.lebanon@gmail.com
Endorsements
VISION, Pakistan
Mideast Youth, Bahrain
Balance Promoción para el Desarrollo y Juventud, México
Nasawiya, Lebanon
Women for Women’s Human Rights (WWHR), Turkey
Take Back Parliament, Lebanon
Realizing Sexual and Reproductive Justice (RESURJ), International
Anti-Racism Movement, Lebanon
Kaos Gay and Lesbian Cultural Research and Solidarity Association (Kaos GL), Turkey
Women Living Under Muslim Laws, International
Lebanese LGBT Media Monitor, Lebanon
Lebanese Medical Association for Sexual Health, Lebanon
نعربُ، نحن، ممثلو الكتلة العربية االمشاركة في أعمال الدورة السابعة و الخمسين للجنة وضع المرأة؛ من افراد و منظمات، عن قلقنا البالغ إزاء دور قيادات بلادنا في المفاوضات المفصلية المتعلقة بقضية العنف ضد النساء و الفتيات. اذ قامت حكوماتنا في هذه الجلسة و بشكل متزايد باستخدام حُججاً تستند إلى الدين، و الثقافة، و التقاليد، و القومية، لتبرير استمرار العنف و التمييز، واستمرار انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان دون محاسبة او عقاب. نحن نتحدث هنا عن العنف الذي يستهدف بنحو خاص النساء، والفتيات، والأقليات العرقية و الدينية، والأشخاص الذين يحيدون عن و يتحدون الهويات و الادوار المعيارية الخاصة بالجنس و النوع الاجتماعي .
إن المواقف التي أبدتها بعض البلدان العربية في هذا الاجتماع لا تمثل تطلعات المجتمع المدني و طموحاته، و لا تقرب الى الممارسات الفُضلى المتعلقة بالقضاء على العنف ضد النساء و الفتيات، في واقع الأمر إن قلقنا ينبع من أن العديد من الحكومات تتبنى مواقفا من شأنها تقويض جوهر الإعلان العالمي لحقوق الإنسان، ألا وهو عالمية حقوق الإنسان وكونها غيرَ قابلةٍ للتجزئة.
إننا، كمنظمات غير حكومية، نخوض نضالاً يومياً من أجل تقديم خدمات الصحة الجنسية والإنجابية؛ وإصلاح القوانين التي تشرِّع التمييز وتنتهك حقوق الإنسان، كالحقوق الجنسية والإنجابية؛ و تقديم التربية الجنسية المتكاملة؛ كما نقاوم من اجل التصدي للعنف ضد النساء والفتيات، بما في ذلك الاغتصاب الزوجي والاعتداء الجنسي؛ ومد يد العون والحماية إلى الجماعات التي تواجه التهميش والإقصاء على أساس العرق، والمذهب الديني، والنوع الاجتماعي والهوية الجنسية؛ كما نعمل على كسر المحرَّمات الثقافية والاجتماعية المتصلة بالجنسانية.
إننا نؤكِّد بأن المحرَّمات الاجتماعية وعملية تسييس المسائل المتعلقة بالجنسانية إنما هي عقبات رئيسية في سبيل العدالة بين الانواع الاجتماعية المختلفة والقضاء على العنف ضد النساء والفتيات في بلادنا، كما أن إنكار حدوث ممارسات جنسية بين الشباب ما قبل الزواج، وانكار حدوث علاقات جنسية خارج إطار الزواج، وإنكار وجود عمالة جنسية، والممارسات الجنسية بين أشخاص من نفس النوع الاجتماعي؛ إنما هو تهديد خطير لسلامة مجتمعاتنا ومستوى الصحة العامة فيها. بالإضافة إلى ذلك، ومن خلال عملنا من أجل مجتمعات أكثر تقبلاً وعدالة ومساواة؛ فإننا نؤكد بأن التقاطعات بين العنف، والفقر، والعِرق، والأصل الوطني، ومفاهيمنا الجنسانية؛ يتعيَّن أن تكون أساس إطار عملنا، ومصدر خطابنا، والمرجع في المفاوضات المتعلقة بوضع النساء.
إننا قلقون من كون الصياغة التي اقترحتها بعض الحكومات إنما تدحض الغرض من هذا الاجتماع، بل تمثل في واقع الأمر رِدةً إلى الوراء بدلاً من أن تكون خطوةً إلى الأمام. كأعضاء وقادة في المجتمع المدني، فإننا نعتقد أن هدف اجتماع الأمم المتحدة هذا ينبغي أن يكون تعزيز الالتـزام وتقوية الخطاب المستخدم في هذا الميدان، و العمل على تعزيز حِراك المؤسسات والهيئات الحكومية ذات العلاقة في بلادنا.
إننا نرغب بأن تأخذ حكوماتنا في اعتبارها، أن اتفاقيات حقوق الانسان تبين بجلاء أنه حيثما وُجد صراعٌ مُفترضٌ بين التـزامات الدول المتعلقة باحترام حقوق الإنسان وحمايتها وتعزيزها؛ و بين الأعراف الاجتماعية والثقافية والدينية؛ أن الالتـزام باحترام حقوق الإنسان و حمايتها و تعزيزها ياتي أولا.
لذا إنَّ هذا يتطلب أن تكف حكوماتنا عن مواصلة التأكيد على الخصوصية الدينية والثقافية وعلى مسألة النسبية في التعاطي مع حقوق الإنسان، وأن تقوم بدلاً من ذلك بتكريس جهودها من أجل ضمان سياسات تصحيحية شاملة تتسم بالعدالة وإشراك مختلف الفئات، كما تعترف بالفضاءات المتقاطعة، والهويات المختلفة، والخلفيات المتباينة التي تحيا في سياقها اؤلئك النساء و الفتيات.
و بالنظر إلى الالتـزامات والتحديات التي أُشير إليها آنفاً، فإنَّ الكتلة العربية المشاركة في أعمال الدورة السابعة و الخمسين للجنة وضع المرأة تدعو الحكومات إلى:
الكف عن استخدام الخصوصية الدينية الثقافية والقومية وخصوصية التقاليد من أجل منع تقدم القوانين على مختلف المستويات، بما في ذلك ما يتصل بالقانون الدولي و بالدورة السابعة و الخمسين للجنة وضع المرأة هذه، فلا بد من تحدي مثل هذه الذرائع، لأن العنف الذي تتسبب به غير مقبول و لا يمكن السماح به أو التسامح معه.
وضع حد لاستخدام الدين و التقاليد و الثقافة على نحو مسيء لحماية الممارسات التي تؤدي إلى استمرار ممارسة العنف ضد النساء و الفتيات.
التأكيد على الالتزام بالاتفاقيات والقرارات التي سبق توقيعها، والاعتراف بحقوق النساء و الفتيات التي تُحترم بالفعل في بلادنا، والسعي إلى تعزيز هذه الحقوق، لا الانتقاص منها.
تبني تعريف للعنف ضد النساء يشمل العنف الذي تواجهه النساء في جميع مراحل حياتهن، بحيث يشمل الفتيات.
الإدانة الصريحة لجميع الممارسات التي من شأنها إدامة العنف ضد النساء و الفتيات، بما في ذلك تلك التي تتخذ من التقاليد والدين والثقافة أساساً لتبريرها، والعمل على القضاء على تلك الممارسات، بما في ذلك الختان، الزواج المبكر و القسري، الاغتصاب الزوجي، قتل النساء، و عنف الشريك.
الاعتراف بالوضع الخطير والخاص للنساء والفتيات في البلدان التي تواجه وضعا انتقاليا (مثل مصر، وتونس، وليبيا)، واتخاذ جميع الإجراءات الضرورية بالتعاون مع الفئات الفاعلة من المحليين لضمان احترام حقوق النساء و حمايتها خلال المرحلة الانتقالية.
ضمان قيام المجتمع الدولي و الحكومات بالتحقيق في جميع الانتهاكات التي تستهدف النساء و الفتيات، ولا سيما العنف المتصاعد خلال المرحلة الانتقالية, وبشكل خاص حالات النـزاع المسلَّح (كما هو الحال في سوريا و العراق)، و وضع حد لإفلات الجُناة من الحساب و العقاب، سواءٌ كانوا من العناصر التابعة للدولة أم من الأفراد.
الاعتراف بحساسية وضع النساء الفلسطينيات اللائي يعشن تحت نظامٍ الفصل العنصري في دولة فلسطين المحتلة وفي إسرائيل، وضمان تحمل المجتمع الدولي والحكومات مسؤولياتهما المتعلقة بالتحقيق في جميع الانتهاكات ضد النساء اللائي يعشن تحت نظام الفصل العنصري، ووضع حد لجميع أشكال إفلات مرتكبي هذه الانتهاكات من العقوبة.
الاعتراف بالعنف الممارس ضد المدافعات عن حقوق الإنسان ممن يواجهن مخاطر حقيقية بسبب النوع الاجتماعي الذي ينتمين إليه والعمل الذي يقمن به، ذلك الموجه إما من قبل هيئات الدولة او الهيئات الفاعلة من غير أجهزة الدولة (مثل العائلة، وأفراد المجتمع، وجماعات برلمانية، والجماعات العسكرية، والجماعات المتطرفة، والعمل على حمايتهن من هذا العنف.
الموقعون:
الائتلاف من أجل الحقوق الجنسية والجسدية في المجتمعات المسلمة CSBR،
نسوية الدولية، لبنان
منظمة القوس، من أجل التعددية الجنسية في المجتمع الفلسطيني، فلسطين
الرابطة التونسية للنساء الديمقراطيات ATFD، تونس
المبادرة المصرية للحقوق الشخصية EIPR، مصر
الجمعية المصرية للنهوض بالمشاركة المجتمعية، مصر
جمعية النساء التونسيات للابحاث التنموية AFTURD، تونس
جمعية النساء العربيات AWO، الاردن
محامون من اجل العدل و السلام LJP، مصر
اتحاد مناهضة العنف ضد المراة FAVAW، مصر
منتدى المراة و التنمية FWID، مصر
الداعمون:
Sisters in Islam, Malaysia Aliansi Remaja Independen (Independent Young People Alliance), Indonesia Women’s Health Foundation, Indonesia Youth Interfaith Forum on Sexuality, Indonesia Drag it to the Top, Pakistan Pilipina Legal Center, The Philippines Women for Women’s Human Rights (WWHR) – New Ways, Turkey Rural-Urban Women And Children Development Agency (RUWACDA), Ghana Clóset de Sor Juana, México Venezuela Diversa Asociación Civil, Venezuela Sexuality Policy Watch, Brazil Shirkat Gah – Women’s Resource Centre, Pakistan Women’s Research and Action Group, India Women Living Under Muslim Laws (WLUML), International Asian-Pacific Resource & Research Centre for Women (ARROW), International Realizing Sexual and Reproductive Justice (RESURJ), International Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR), International International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN), International Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL), Rutgers University Secularism Is a Women’s Issue, International Women’s Learning Partnership (WLP) Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN), International Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), International
We, the undersigned organizations and individuals, as represented in the Arab Caucus at the 57th Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), are deeply concerned with the role of the leadership of our countries in the negotiations on the crucial issue of violence against women and girls. At this session, our governments are increasingly using arguments based on religion, culture, tradition, or nationality to justify violence, discrimination and allow the violations against human rights and continue with impunity. This violence is particularly targeted against women, girls, ethnic and religious minorities, people who dissent from or challenge normative gender identities and sexualities.
The current positions taken by some Arab governments at this meeting is clearly not representative of civil society views, aspirations or best practices regarding the elimination and prevention of violence against women and girls within our countries. We are in fact concerned that many of our governments are taking positions, which undermine the very basis of the UDHR, which is the universality, and indivisibility of human rights.
We, as non-governmental organizations, struggle on a daily basis to provide sexual and reproductive health services, reform laws that discriminate or violate human rights, including sexual and reproductive rights, provide comprehensive sexuality education, combat violence against women and girls, including marital rape and sexual abuse, reach out to and protect groups who have been marginalized and minoritised on the basis of their ethnicity, religious sect/and or sexual orientation and gender identity, and break the cultural and societal taboos associated with sexuality.
We underline that the taboos and politicization of issues around sexuality are major hindrances to gender justice and the elimination and prevention of violence against women and girls in our countries. The denial of the existence of youth and premarital sexuality, extra-marital sexuality, sex work and same sex practices constitutes a dangerous threat to the well-being and public health in our societies. As well, as we work towards a more inclusive, just and equitable societies, the intersection of violence, poverty, race, national origin, and sexuality must be at the center of our social justice framework, language and negotiations on the status of women.
We are alarmed that the language proposed by some governments severely compromises the very intention of this meeting and in fact takes us a step back rather than forward. As members and leaders of civil society, we think that the goal of this UN meeting should be to further strengthen the commitments, language, discourse and action of many institutions and government entities in our societies.
We would like our governments to take into account that where there is any perceived conflict between States’ obligations to respect, protect, fulfill and promote human rights and social, cultural or religious norms, human rights instruments clearly state that the obligation to respect, protect, fulfill and promote human rights takes precedence.
This requires that our governments move away from an emphasis on religious and cultural specificity and relativism, and instead put their efforts to ensure restorative justice, inclusivity, and holistic policies that recognize intersectional spaces and identities women and girls of different backgrounds exist in.
Taking into account the above commitments and challenges, the Arab Caucus at the 57th Commission on the Status of Women calls upon governments to:
Stop using justifications based on religion, culture, tradition or nationality to block the progress of laws at all levels, including in the sphere of international law and at this 57th session of the CSW. These justifications must be challenged. The violence they cause is unacceptable and cannot ever be condoned or tolerated.
End the harmful use of religion, tradition, and culture to safeguard practices that perpetuate violence against women and girls.
Reaffirm past agreements and resolutions and recognize the rights of women and girls already existing in our countries, and work on enhancing those rights, not undermining them.
To adopt a definition of violence against women that encompasses violence against all women across their life spans, including girls.
To clearly denounce all practices which perpetuate violence against women and girls, including those which are justified on the basis of tradition, culture and religion and work on eliminating them, like female genital mutilation, early and forced marriages, marital rape, feminicide, and intimate partner violence.
To recognize the serious and particular situation of women and girls in countries of transition (like Egypt, Tunisia and Libya) and to take all necessary actions in cooperation with local actors to ensure that women’s rights in transition are respected, protected and fulfilled.
To ensure that the international community and governments investigate all violations against women and girls, in particular the escalation of violence during transitional periods and in situations of armed conflict (such as in Syria and Iraq) to put an end to impunity for the perpetrators, both state and individual actors.
To recognize the sensitive situation of Palestinian women living under apartheid in the occupied state of Palestine and in Israel. And To ensure that the international community and governments will take responsibility to conduct investigation on all violations against women living under apartheid and stop all kinds of impunity for the perpetrators.
To include recognition of, and recommendations to address violence against women human rights defenders who are at particular risk, from both State and non-state actors (such as families, community members, paramilitary groups and extremist groups) because of their gender as well as the work that they do.
Signatories
The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR), International
Nasawiya, Lebanon
Collective for Research and Training on Development – Action (CRTD.A), Lebanon
alQaws, for Sexual and Gender Diversity in Palestinian Society, Palestine
Muntada: The Arab Forum for Sexuality Education and Health, Palestine
Association Tunisienne des Femmes Démocrates (ATFD), Tunisia
Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), Egypt
The Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement, Egypt
Association des Femmes Tunisiennes pour la Recherche sur le Développment (AFTURD), Tunisia
Women and Development Association in Alexandria, Egypt
Arab Women Organisation, Jordan
Lawyers for Justice and Peace (LJP), Egypt
Federation Against Violence Against Women (FAVAW), Egypt
Forum for Women In Development (FWID), Egypt
Supporters
Sisters in Islam, Malaysia
Aliansi Remaja Independen (Independent Young People Alliance), Indonesia
Women and Youth Development Institute of Indonesia (WYDII), Indonesia
Women’s Health Foundation, Indonesia
Youth Interfaith Forum on Sexuality, Indonesia
Drag it to the Top, Pakistan
Equal Rights Now – Organisation against Women’s Discrimination in Iran, Iran
Pilipina Legal Center, The Philippines
Women for Women’s Human Rights (WWHR) – New Ways, Turkey
Rural-Urban Women And Children Development Agency (RUWACDA), Ghana
Clóset de Sor Juana, México
Venezuela Diversa Asociación Civil, Venezuela
Sexuality Policy Watch, Brazil
Shirkat Gah – Women’s Resource Centre, Pakistan
Women’s Research and Action Group, India
Institute for Women’s Empowerment, Hong Kong
L’Association Nationale de Protection des Femmes et Enfants Haitiens (ANAPFEH), Haiti
Women and Law in Southern Africa, MOZAMBIQUE
Abortion Rights Coalition of Canada (ARCC), Canada
Women Living Under Muslim Laws (WLUML), International
Asian-Pacific Resource & Research Centre for Women (ARROW), International
Realizing Sexual and Reproductive Justice (RESURJ), International
Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR), International
International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN), International
Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL), Rutgers University
International Alliance of Women/ Alliance Internationale des Femmes, International
Secularism Is a Women’s Issue, International
Women’s Learning Partnership (WLP), International
Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN), International
Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), International
To add your organization’s signature to this statement, please write to coordinator[at]csbronline.org.
November 9 2012 marks the 4th annual celebration of One Day, One Struggle. This time, every year, CSBR member organizations join forces to campaign locally and globally for sexual and bodily rights. Events will be happening around the world over the coming week, here are some:
PALESTINE
Muntada – The Arab Forum for Sexuality, Education and Health organized a screening of short films entitled “Sexual Rights are Human Rights” and launched a manual for teenage girls. The event took place on Friday, November 2nd, 2012, at 5 PM, Cinematech, Nazareth. You can find an overview of the event and photos here.
EGYPT
The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) are joining efforts with the New Woman Foundation (NWF) and the Woman and Memory Forum (WMF) for this year’s One Day, One Struggle. “Everyday Feminism: Remembering Harassment Resister Iman Salama” commemorates the life of Iman Salama, a young girl from southern Egypt who was shot and killed after defending herself from a sexual harasser. A video interviewing Iman’s father and activists from the Assiyut governorate (where the incident took place) will be published, as well as a cartoon series describing Iman’s death and how she fought back her perpetrator. Last but not least, a graffiti will be created on a downtown Cairo mural depicting Iman and her resilience and strength to fight.
EGYPT/SUDAN
Bedayaa – LGBTIQ of the Nile Valley Area, Egypt and Sudan are organizing a movie night and discussion panel this year to raise awareness within the LGBTIQ community on sexual and bodily rights.
INDONESIA
GAYa NUSANTARA will be holding a public discussion for this year’s One Day, One Struggle. More details will be posted soon.
Aliansi Remaja Independen are launching guetau.com – a comprehensive portal that provides information and tools for teens on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights for Adolescents. Make sure to check it out!
MALAYSIA
Sisters in Islam, Women’s Aid Organisation, and friends will be presenting a double bill performance exploring the issues of statutory rape and child marriage on Friday, November 9, 8pm @ The Annexe Gallery, Central Market. The event is free of charge, you only need to register by emailing adibah@sistersinislam.org.my or calling 03-77856121. Refreshments will be served, and there will be a moderated discussion after the show to allow audience members to voice their opinions, ask questions, engage in public debate.
Forum Theater
Title: “Young Love, Young Bride” (Cinta Muda, Pengantin Muda)
Date: 9th Nov 2012 ( Friday )
Time: 8.00pm – 10.00pm
Venue: Gallery 3, Annexe Gallery, Central Market
PAKISTAN
“Mapping One Day of Struggle” – A Calendar Exhibit/Publication, documenting and showcasing daily individual struggles of non-heteronormative Pakistani minorities against patriarchy in public spaces and/or private spaces. The event is organized by Drag it to the Top, along with the Organization for the Protection & Propagation of Rights of Sexual Minorities, Institute for Peace and Secular Studies and DugDugi Group.
“Advocating for Domestic Violence Bill 2012” – a 3 hour event on November 15 organized by Aahung, along with Shirkat Gah, Home Ministry, Women Development Department, Population Welfare Department, Packard Foundation and other organizations. The program will include a theater show as well as a panel discussion with key government stakeholders. Facts and figures related to domestic violence in Pakistan will also be shared.
LEBANON
“3ayb! Shu Hal 7aki?” – An art exhibit on sexuality and gender (photography, paintings, drawings, videos and more). The event is in Dar Al- Mosawir, Hamra, for more information: Mobile: 71 – 433 048 Email: leexhibit@gmail.com.
TUNISIA
The Tunisian Association of Democratic Women is organizing an event for abortion rights and access to abortion services in post-revolution Tunisia on November 9. The program includes an overview of abortion rights around the world with insights into the Tunisian legislation, and abortion rights in Tunisia (history and current debates) and will be followed with a discussion.