Malaysia PM’s statement disregarding the universality of human rights as potentially dangerous to LGBTIQ persons

25 August 2015

The ASEAN Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity and Gender Expression (SOGIE) Caucus expresses serious concern over the recent statement of Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak challenging the universality of human rights. Such statement reflects a reality that the ghost of “Asian values”, which limits the application of human rights, continue to haunt the region.

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LGBTIQ activists joined the 2015 ACSC/APF solidarity march

In his statement last 18 August 2015, the Malaysian PM said that the government cannot defend the extreme aspects of human rights including the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) persons. Such statement is a clear, blatant and gross disregard of its duty under international law.

Malaysia has the duty to respect the rights of all people. It is important to note that Malaysia, being a member of the United Nations, has pledged to promote and respect human rights and fundamental freedoms for all persons as further elaborated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).

We view PM Najib’s statement as dangerous to LGBTIQ persons in ASEAN by further legitimizing and affirming the on-going discrimination and violence, directly or indirectly. By denying human rights for LGBTIQ persons, he is indirectly inciting acts of hatred in the name of culture and religion.

The statement was issued based on a domestic context where serious discrimination and violence have been undertaken against LGBT persons. The Malaysian government continues to enforce Sha’riah laws that criminalize transgender persons for cross-dressing. Meanwhile, in addition to Malaysia, several countries in ASEAN, including Brunei, Myanmar and Singapore, criminalize acts of consensual same-sex relations.

We also view PM Najib’s statement as reflective of problematic human rights discourse promoted by ASEAN. The ASEAN Human Rights Declaration, considered as a regional human rights standard, by subjecting the interpretation of human rights to a country’s specific social, cultural and religious backgrounds.

We affirm the universality of human rights. Such is an important principle to ensure that the rights of marginalized persons, including LGBTIs, are guaranteed.

We believe that any interpretation of and application of human rights principles should be done with a view of promoting the dignity of all persons and not legitimizing any form of violence and discrimination against them.

By: The ASEAN SOGIE Caucus

When sexuality meets faith in Indonesia

Diego García Rodríguez 29Diego1InsideIndonesia

In March 2010, the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Organisation Conference was set to go ahead in Surabaya, Java. A group of conservative Muslims, some of them members of the Front Pembela Islam (Islamic Defenders Front), occupied the hotel where Conference participants were staying. The police ordered that the conference be cancelled for reasons of public safety. Later that year the same group of conservative Muslims attacked an international gay film festival in Jakarta. In response to these events, a group of ten young people came together to create the Youth Interfaith Forum on Sexuality (YIFOS).

Four years later, during the summer of 2014, I meet Yulia and Vica, two of the organisation’s members, in a café in Malioboro Street, Yogyakarta. Both have come from Jakarta to discuss ideas with Yogyakarta-based activists working on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights in the city. Yulia and Vica seem excited to talk about their project. While having an ice cream, with some Arabic-style Indonesian songs playing in the background, we speak about sexuality and faith in Indonesia, and the work of YIFOS.

Creating safe spaces

YIFOS began as a community-based organisation bringing together members of Muslim, Catholic and Buddhist communities. The organisation’s goal was to foster exchange between members of different religions about faith and sexuality. ‘In Indonesia we never have the chance to discuss our own sexuality,’ Vica points out. The lack of safe spaces for young people to speak freely about sexuality and faith was what prompted YIFOS’s establishment.

From its conception, YIFOS has aimed to involve religious leaders in its efforts. ‘So we invited religious leaders to talk at local groups and discuss sexuality and faith.’ Yulia explains that people of all religions are welcome to join this discussion, providing they are willing to bring an open mind. The focus of YIFOS dialogues is always to put young people first, allowing them to search out grounds of commonality, negotiating religious values and issues of concern around sexuality and the LGBT community, without fear of judgement.

The inclusion of religious authorities in debates on sexuality is a new phenomenon in Indonesia. The country has seen the emergence of interfaith organisations such as Interfidei in Yogyakarta in 1991, or the Regional Interfaith Youth Network formed in Ambon in 2005. However, YIFOS is the first space in which simultaneous discussions on sexuality and faith are encouraged. Unlike other groups working in a single city or region, YIFOS has operated across the country since 2011. For Catholic communities, the organisation has visited centres where regular discussions among youth regarding sexuality were already in place. With participants already in place, all that YIFOS needs to provide are materials. YIFOS also works with Islamic youth organisations on university campuses.

The participants express their feelings after one of the sessions. Yulia Dwi AndriyantiThe participants express their feelings after one of the sessions. Yulia Dwi Andriyanti

Before the arrival of YIFOS, reflects Yulia, ‘it was quite difficult to talk about sexuality within faith groups; but also when we went to LGBT groups, they were quite reluctant to speak about God.’ By creating safe spaces where young people can feel comfortable speaking about their sexual and religious identities, the participants in YIFOS dialogues are able to realise what they have in common as young people, instead of focusing on their differences.
Continue reading “When sexuality meets faith in Indonesia”

As sex workers, we welcome Amnesty International’s policy — it will help empower us

Sex workers around the world face diverse challenges: stigma, discrimination, violence – including state violence – harassment, criminalisation, isolation, marginalisation and a lack of adequate health services.

Sadly, few people want to talk about these issues.APNSW_sexworkisworkMoral and religious discussions about whether the buying and selling of sexual services is right or wrong, on the other hand, continue to be fashionable and dominate media coverage. Why are so many people quick to judge sex workers as either victims needing to be rescued or criminals needing to be stopped, but so slow to listen to what we have to say?

All over the world there are laws and policies that seriously affect the lives of sex workers. Laws differ between and within countries, but rarely do these laws put sex workers’ needs and safety first. The Amnesty International policy does exactly that, and so we welcome this decision.

What does Amnesty’s policy mean for us?

Sex workers have been talking about decriminalisation for a long time, so Amnesty International’s decision is neither a destination nor a starting point, but it is certainly another milestone in our journey. Few human rights organisations have taken such a stand for sex workers. We hope more will join them.

Nothing will change immediately – this new policy is not a UN convention that states must implement. We will continue at the local, community, national and international levels to push for recognition of sex workers’ human rights, and we look forward to welcoming Amnesty’s country sections as new allies in this struggle.

Sex workers, sex worker organisations and allies from all over the world came together to support Amnesty’s proposal, signing letters in five out of the six official UN languages. Our global movement is stronger than ever, and with this debate and decision we are more visible than ever. Perhaps in future it will become unacceptable for the media to write an article or host a panel discussion about sex work without including sex worker voices advocating for human rights? (Perhaps, too, it will become unacceptable to publish the words of celebrities who know nothing of the reality of our experiences but feel qualified to preach on our behalf?)

We hope Amnesty’s decision will move the discussion firmly into the sphere of human rights, rather than moral or religious frameworks. We hope it will put the question of decriminalisation at the forefront of these discussions, and help people understand the difference between decriminalisation and regulation/legalisation.

The advantage of decriminalisation is that it means all laws which prevent sex workers from working safely are removed, and sex workers can freely report crimes to the police without incriminating themselves or their clients. Under legalised regimes, there are usually strict regulations about how, when and where sex work can be done including registration cards, zoned areas and medical testing. While there can be significant protections and benefits for those who work inside these rules, in practice most sex workers are unwilling or unable to do so. When sex workers choose to work outside the regulated system they are just as criminalised as in other countries.

Actions speak louder than words. And it is sex workers who, every day, bear the brunt of actions intended to help us but which in reality lead to harm. These include 100% condom use programmes, compulsory medical testing, violent raids on brothels, and the criminalisation of our clients, all of which take power away from sex workers and give it instead to the corrupt and the abusive among police, officials, clients and others.

Why are so many countries quick to consider these unhelpful policies? And yet why are so few countries willing to follow policies that improve the wellbeing of sex workers? Class, morality and conservative religious values are often the unexamined filters through which many people look at sex work. Feminists of the global south have long supported the agency of sex workers; feminists from other places might consider examining the history of the lens they use, and where they stand when looking through it.

The global sex worker movement, of which APNSW (the Asia Pacific Network of Sex Workers) is part, is a workers’ network; it is not run by or for management. The rights we fight for will be familiar to Guardian readers and to anyone from the global labour movement: the rights to associate and organise, to be protected by the law, to be free from violence and discrimination; the rights to privacy, health, movement and migration, and of course, the right to work and to freely choose the nature of that work.

Many countries around the world make policies that empower police against sex workers. Amnesty International’s policy seeks to empower sex workers. If sex workers can have enabling environments in which to work, the world will not need to spend millions of dollars to improve our health. We can address our social, economic, political and health problems ourselves.

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Kay Thi Win is coordinator for the Asia Pacific Network of Sex Workers

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Reposted from: The Guardian

HIV and SRHR: Visions, Voices, and Priorities of Young People living with and most affected by HIV

A report released in March 2015 by the Link Up project HIV & SRHR: Youth Visions, Voices and Prioritiesdocuments & amplifies youth visions, voices and priorities from Bangladesh, Burundi, Ethiopia, Myanmar and Uganda on how we can address HIV and Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights. Download the report here: http://www.aidsalliance.org/our-priorities/current-projects/28-link-up.

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As the global community defines a new post-2015 development agenda, including the voices and visions of young people must be a priority. In this report, young people from around the world living with and most affected by HIV champion their vision for realizing and claiming their sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and setting their priorities for HIV and SRHR integration.

The Link Up project, launched by a consortium of global and national partners in early 2013, is an ambitious three-year initiative that seeks to advance the SRHR of more than one million young people in five countries. Link Up distinctively works with young people most affected by HIV aged 10 to 24 years old, with a specific focus on young men who have sex with men, young people who do sex work, young people who use drugs, young transgender people, and young women and men living with HIV. It also seeks to amplify the voices of these young people through community mobilization and advocacy in national and global forums, particularly those informing the post-2015 development framework.

As partners in the consortium implementing Link Up, Global Youth Coalition on HIV/AIDS (GYCA) and ATHENA Network led a consultation with young people living with and most affected by HIV. Nearly 800 people from every region of the world responded to a global online survey that collected quantitative and qualitative data in five languages, and over 400 young people participated in a series of community dialogues and focus groups with national partners in Bangladesh, Burundi, Ethiopia, Myanmar and Uganda. These face-to-face dialogues created a platform for young people living with and most affected by HIV to share their lived experiences of and hope for: accessing HIV and SRH services, including family planning and contraceptives; participating in decision-making both in their personal lives and in programming and policy; and, their vision for realizing their sexual and reproductive rights.

In this document we share their voices directly, to inform clear and evidence-based advocacy messaging that can guide both global and national post-2015 negotiations, and national and regional-level programming.

Statement on the Resolution on the Protection of the Family at the UN Human Rights Council, 29th Session, Geneva

In July 2015, Asian-Pacific Resource & Research Centre for Women (ARROW) delivered a Statement on the Resolution on the Protection of the Family at the UN Human Rights Council, 29th Session, Geneva.

ARROW’s statement, endorsed by 58 organizations worldwide, outlined key civil society concerns regarding the limitations and problematic framing of the text of the resolution. The statement calls on governments and the international community to recognize and respect the differences and diversity that exist among families all around the world so that laws and policies may adequately address their concerns, and services and interventions may be directed to prevent and eliminate discrimination and violence irrespective of their diversity.

Despite repeated calls for amendments and even the withdrawal of the Protection of the Family resolution by member states at the 29th session, the resolution was adopted on 3 July 2015.

ARROW’s statement with the list of signatories as a PDF here, and the text copied below.

See Sexual Rights Initiative’s response to the passing of the resolution and details of the voting processes here.

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Statement on the Resolution on the Protection of the Family at the Human Rights Council 29th Session Geneva

At ARROW, an NGO based in Malaysia, we have been working to advance women’s health and rights, empowering women through information and knowledge, monitoring international commitments, advocacy and mobilisation along with our national partners across the Asia-Pacific region, regional partners from the global South and allies from the global North.

ARROW, together with hits partners and allies, present this statement on the Resolution on the Protection of the Family tabled on June 15, 2015, led by Egypt with the support of Bangladesh, Belarus, Cote d’Ivoire, People’s Republic of China, El Salvador, Mauritania, Morocco, Namibia, Saudi Arabia, Sierra Leone, Tunisia, Uganda, Qatar, and the Russian Federation.

Firstly, we commend the acknowledgement of human rights treaties and laws that oblige State Parties to ensure human rights of all. Further, the recognition of the Beijing Platform for Action and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women in the Resolution recognizes the essentiality of ensuring gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls.

We reiterate that the family needs to be discussed beyond narrow ideas of ‘marriage’ or ‘marriage between a man and woman’ alone, so as not to exclude all other families that may not have their origins in marriage (including single-parent families, child-headed families, extended families, families of divorced individuals, same-sex families, intergenerational families, families headed by children orphaned by AIDS or grandparents, among others) thus implying that these families are not entitled to similar protection. Therefore, efforts towards ensuring necessary protection and assistance to families must ensure that all forms of families are recognised, protected and provided for without coercion and exclusion. We also believe that narrow formulations will marginalise people including sexual and gender minorities, single-headed households, child-headed families, families of HIV orphans amongst others.

We call for the recognition of the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) into the list of recognized and cited obligatory mechanisms in the Resolution. Additionally, Principle 9 in CPD 1994, which upheld the family as the basic unit of society that is entitled to receive comprehensive protection and support and must be strengthened, should be highlighted in this regard.

We remind State Parties of the calls for recognition of diversity amongst families in form and function in different countries and regions, the inclusion of individual preference and societal conditions during the International Year of the Family in 1994. We also state that any commemorations should promote basic human rights and fundamental freedoms as set out in international instruments in whatever status of individuals and in whatever form of the family. It recognises the caregivers’ role and fostering of equality between women and men within families, to bring about a fuller sharing of domestic responsibilities and employment opportunities.

While we commend the recognition of responsibilities of the family, in order for this to happen gender equality for women and girls has to be ensured throughout the life cycle, including the recognition and realisation of their sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). Women and girls have to have choices and be able to realise their full human rights, within an atmosphere of safety and security in the family, where they are free from violence, abuse and coercion.

While we welcome the focus on gender equality and empowerment including maternal health, it is insufficient to ensure meaningful equality and empowerment for women. Some of the main causes of maternal mortality and morbidity include abortion-related injuries, restrictive and inadequate abortion policies, unavailability of safe, legal abortion services without conditions. These issues must be considered in order to break out of the cycle of poverty and have opportunities to improve overall wellbeing such as quality education, including comprehensive sexuality education. Gender equality thus cannot be achieved without ensuring SRHR of all women and girls and must be considered a fundamental right.

Discussions related to the Post-2015 development agenda should uphold and ensure the full realisation of human rights for women and girls, protection against violence, including that brought about by all forms of extremisms and practices brought on by extreme interpretations of religion as well as ensuring the realisation of SRHR for all. Additionally, they must address inequalities within the family and practices that are brought on by such inequalities.

In calling for the strengthening of national capacities to address national priorities relating to family issues, the resolution uses a narrow definition, thus ignoring sexually diverse groups and their rights related to cohabitation and having children. The fact that sexual diversity continues to be criminialised in many countries is further proof of the refusal to recognize that in different contexts, various forms of the family exist and should be protected and upheld.

At the same time, State parties should not interpret the preservation of cultural identity, traditions, morals, heritage and value system of the society in a manner that limits the potential of women and girls within the family and society, entrenching inequalities and gender biases within the family and society at large. Furthermore, a focus on preserving these helps to conceal human rights violations and abuses such as marital rape, child abuse, early marriages, incest and honour killings that occur within families. Individuals within the family have to be seen as right holders in their own right.

We call attention towards mention of reductions in social expenditure in the Resolution that often affects social sectors such as health, including reductions in expenditure on women’s health services. Overall health care and access to good health care including sexual and reproductive health care are essential for women and girls empowerment.

The Resolution calls for placing the choice of education in the hands of parents but this leaves room for decisions regarding the exclusion of Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) in formal or informal curricular development and delivery. This is noted particularly in relation to protecting the health and wellbeing of girls who are often seen as the guardians of family honour. In relation to such views, CSE would be considered inappropriate for boys and girls within notions of corrupting young minds and encouraging sexual activity rather than a means to empowering them with much needed information to make decisions about their own bodies and sexual choices.

We therefore call on governments and the international community to recognize and respect the differences and diversity that exist among families all around the world so that laws and policies may adequately address their concerns, and services and interventions may be directed to prevent and eliminate discrimination and violence irrespective of their diversity.

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UN Human Rights Council adopts Resolution to end child, early and forced marriage

UN-Human-Rights-CouncilCredit: UN/Jean-Marc Ferre

On Thursday 2 July, the United Nations Human Rights Council unanimously adopted a resolution co-sponsored by over 85 States to strengthen efforts to prevent and eliminate child, early and forced marriage, a practice that affects 15 million girls every year. The resolution is the first-ever substantive resolution on child marriage adopted by the Council.

It recognises child marriage as a violation of human rights “that prevents individuals from living their lives free from all forms of violence” and that has “wide ranging and adverse consequences on the enjoyment of human rights, such as the right to education, the right to the highest attainable standard of health, including sexual and reproductive health”. It also recognises child marriage as a “barrier to sustainable development” that “helps to perpetuate the cycle of poverty”.

Supported by a cross-regional group of 88 States, including from countries with high rates of child marriage, the resolution demonstrates global support for ending child marriage and making it a human rights and development priority in the post-2015 development framework.

Indeed, this resolution comes at a timely moment, just a few months before States adopt the Sustainable Development Goals, an ambitious framework that could transform the world by 2030. The proposed framework includes target 5.3, “Eliminate all harmful practices, such as child, early and forced marriage and female genital mutilations”, under goal 5, “Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls”.

It complements the resolution adopted at the UN General Assembly last year by bringing a human rights perspective to national efforts, which will be essential to protect girls from child marriage and support those who are already married.

Although it does not call for comprehensive sex education as a key component to prevent and end child marriage, which was a priority for many advocates, it goes further than last  year’s General Assembly resolution by urging governments topromote and protect the human rights of all women and girls, including their right to have control over and decide freely and responsibly on matters related to their sexuality. It also advances on previous resolutions by taking into consideration child, early and forced marriage in humanitarian and fragile situations.

The resolution recognises the need for national action plans on child marriage, and encourages States to work with civil society to develop and implement a holistic, comprehensive and coordinated response to address child marriage and support married girls, which will be critical to the successful implementation of the SDGs and target 5.3.

Finally, the resolution requests the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to organise an expert workshop in March 2017 to “review and discuss the impact of existing strategies and initiatives to address child, early and forced marriages and make recommendations for further action by States and the international community”.

This concrete next step will be an opportunity to discuss practical tools to assist States in the implementation of their human rights obligation to address child marriage and support married girls.

Child marriage is a human rights violation

  • Child, early and forced marriage is a global problem which cuts across countries, cultures, religious and ethnicities and affects approximately 15 million girls every year.
  • Child marriage disempowers girls for life, depriving them of their agency, their right to health, education and a life free from violence.
  • Child brides have little or no say in if, when and whom they marry. Once married, it is extremely difficult for girls to assert their needs to their usually older husbands.
  • Child brides are often pressured into motherhood, putting them at risk of death or injury during childbirth. Girls who give birth before 18 are five times more likely to die in childbirth than women aged 20-24.
  • After marriage child brides usually drop out of school, if they were in school at all. Over 60% of child brides in developing countries have had no formal education.
  • A girl who married before 18 is more likely to experience physical, sexual and psychological violence throughout her life.

Background on the resolution

  • This year’s resolution was requested by a joint statement adopted last year at the Human Rights Council. It builds on the short, procedural resolution on child, early and forced marriage adopted in 2013 by recognising child marriage as a human rights and barrier to sustainable development.
  • The resolution also incorporates recommendations from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)’s report on preventing and eliminating child marriage, to which many Girls Not Brides members contributed.

Reposted from:  Girls Not Brides

Why I Painted a Rainbow Flag on Israel’s Apartheid Wall

through_the_spectrum_2Khaled Jarrar’s rainbow mural “Through the Spectrum” painted on the Israeli separation wall near Qalandiya checkpoint in the occupied West Bank. (Khaled Jarrar)

Earlier this week, I painted a section of the Israeli apartheid wall near Qalandiya checkpoint in the occupied West Bank with the colors of the rainbow flag. Later that night, some people from the community painted it over.

As an artist, I usually prefer that my work speak for itself. But I feel that my intentions have been hijacked and manipulated, including by the Associated Press, whose report on the ensuing controversy was carried in publications all over the world, such as The Guardian and Haaretz.

So I felt it was time for me to address what happened in my own words. I painted the mural — which I titled “Through the Spectrum” — in broad daylight. Israeli occupation forces were not far away and Palestinians crossing back and forth through the checkpoint were all around.

In other words, life was “normal” in occupied Palestine, and the painting was executed in full view of passersby and local residents. Later the same day, news of my mural blew up on social media, and several Palestinians including a journalist seized on my action to encourage others to, ironically, go and save the racist Israeli wall from the “shame” I had brought on it.

A posting on Facebook used a photograph I had taken of the mural accompanied by the words “This filth will not see daylight. Tonight it will be painted over.” Following this incitement, and in the dark of night, a small group of Palestinian men whitewashed the rainbow.

Icon of oppression

Let me tell you what inspired my mural. Like people all over the world, I followed the news about the recent Supreme Court decision to legalize same-sex marriage in the United States. Millions of people, including many of my Facebook friends from Palestine and all over the world, used the “celebrate pride” filter provided by Facebook, to add a semi-transparent rainbow overlay to their profile pictures.

Everywhere, images of rainbows went viral and even the White House was lit up in rainbow colors.

This got me thinking about all these international activists and ordinary citizens who were celebrating freedom for a group of people who have historically been oppressed, and the use of the rainbow as a symbol of freedom and equality and what it could represent for other oppressed groups.

It also made me think of our daily struggles for equality, freedom and justice here in Palestine. While people in the United States celebrated, and I celebrate with them for their victory, we in Palestine are still divided from our own communities and families because of the racist and bigoted policies of Israel.

The apartheid wall, built in violation of international law, cuts across our land and our water. It divides farmers from their trees and crops, villages from cities, the faithful from their places of worship, parents from their children, children from their schools, and partners from one another. It stops people from getting married and living together and it destroys the possibility of living peacefully in an undivided country.

For 67 years, we have struggled together against Israeli ethnic cleansing, occupation and apartheid and this wall is just one — albeit very significant — barrier to our freedom.

I wanted the world to see that our struggle still exists and I felt there could be no better place to have that dialogue than on the concrete slabs of the most visible icon of our oppression.

I was heartened that the majority of Palestinians who contacted me as the controversy unfolded supported my actions. As the days passed, more and more of these voices became public and I have met many new people in my community who share the same love for freedom and our right to exercise our voices through creative means.

I also understand that the rainbow flag is a distinctive symbol often used for LGBTQ communities and has its own history and specific context. I am not shying away from any debate that our society should have by using these colors, but I believe the colors of the rainbow represent love, humanity and freedom. And yes, there were a minority who were confused by, or against, my actions. This minority was very vocal.

Whitewashing and pinkwashing

The whitewashing of the wall immediately brought the attention of world media. On 30 June, I spoke to the Associated Press and told them my intentions as I’ve written them here. I was dismayed when their article the next day used my action to anchor a narrative that highlights the alleged tolerance of Israel toward LGBTQ people, including Palestinians.

I felt that the entire story was hijacked by a pro-Israeli narrative that executed a “pinkwash” — essentially censoring what transpired, including my intentions. Pinkwashing is a form of distraction, using Israel’s supposedly gay-friendly policies as a smokescreen for the larger crimes of the occupation.

There was no mention of the outpouring of Palestinian support my action received and the complexities and diverse opinions that exist in our society as in others all over the world.

It claimed that Israel, because of its supposed tolerance, is a safe place for Palestinians who engage in same-sex relations, even though there are no laws that offer any sort of asylum to Palestinians in Israel and they are frequently subjected to particularly abusive treatment by Israeli authorities precisely because they are Palestinian. As the Israeli LGBTQ academic and activist Aeyal Gross has pointed out, the Israeli government is quick to exploit LGBTQ issues in its international propaganda while doing nothing to actively promote them at home.

As one astute observer noted on Facebook: “While the world celebrates gay marriage victory: in Israel, you can marry anyone as long she/he [is] not Palestinian.” That is true. In 2003, Israel passed a law, renewed every year since, that forbids its citizens from living in Israel with Palestinian spouses from the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, or from several Arab states.

When Israel’s high court upheld the law in 2012, Human Rights Watch condemned it for blatant discrimination.

“The law violates Israel’s obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, which applies not only to race but also to national or ethnic origin and among enumerated rights protects ‘the right to marriage and choice of spouse,’” the human rights group said.

Misinformation

While painting Israel as exceptionally LGBTQ-friendly, the Associated Press does concede that that “Officially there is still no same-sex marriage in Israel, primarily because there is no civil marriage of any kind.” What this means is that not only can’t Israelis marry Palestinians, but they can’t even marry each other unless they are from the same religion.

The Associated Press goes on to perpetuate another myth, claiming that a “1951 Jordanian law banning homosexual acts remains in effect in the West Bank, as does a ban in Gaza passed by British authorities in 1936.”

But this is incorrect. The Jordanian Penal Code of 1951 (amended in 1960) does operate in the West Bank, but as the international LGBTQ group ILGA notes in its latest annual report, the law contains “no prohibition on sexual acts between persons of the same sex.”

It is true, nonetheless, that questions of sexual practice as an identity and sexual relations between people of the same sex as well as of different sexes are matters of controversy, contestation and social strictures in Palestinian society as well as in Israeli Jewish society and all over the world.

To ignore all this and bolster the narrative of Palestinians as “backward” and Israelis as “progressive” is the very essence of pinkwashing. I strongly object to my work being used to fuel this sort of pro-Israeli propaganda.

It boils down to this: Israeli officials have boasted that 100,000 people attended the recent gay pride parade in Tel Aviv. But even if 100,000 of us Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank or Gaza Strip wanted to join that parade, we would have found the Israeli apartheid wall blocking our way.

I believe my role as an artist who often works in public spaces is to instigate dialogue. I stand behind my work — the colors on the apartheid wall added layers to other discussions depicted there that connect peoples and their struggles against oppression throughout history.

By subverting a symbol of freedom and self-determination to apply in broader contexts that include our own plight as Palestinians, I wanted to use the rainbow colors to open a passionate dialogue. While the work is now whitewashed, the debate continues.

I’m grateful to the many Palestinian journalists, artists, friends and others who are now reporting on the topic and the wonderful, complex conversations they are starting. I take heart from our ability to tackle difficult subjects and engage in an internal and international dialogue that breaks stereotypes that outsiders and even we Palestinians might hold about our society.

Khaled Jarrar is an acclaimed international artist who was born in Palestine and continues to live and work there. Having graduated from the International Academy of Art Palestine in 2011, his artwork and films capture highly symbolic ideas through photographs, videos and site-specific performative interventions focused on the plight of Palestinians. 

Source: Electronic Intifada

Milestones for the LGBTI Movement in Indonesia

The Jakarta Post recently featured a list of milestones of the LGBTI movement inGN Triangle Indonesia, which included the founding of CSBR member and current coordinating office Gaya Nusantara! Read the article below.


Milestones for the LGBT Movement in Indonesia

Indonesia’s lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) advocacy movement has come a long way since the 1960s, when then Jakarta governor Ali Sadikin first facilitated a transgender association in the city.

“The era after the 1998 reform was the dawn for more political LGBT organizations. […] Before 1998, the LGBT movement was accepted but controlled. After the reform era, LGBT organizations could get more political,” the director of LGBT rights group Suara Kita, Hartoyo, said on Monday.

Here we list the milestones of the Indonesian LGBT advocacy movement:

1960: Establishment of the Jakarta Transgender Association (Hiwad), with the support of then Jakarta governor Ali Sadikin. Other cities subsequently established similar organizations.

1982: Creation of the first public gay organization, Lambda Indonesia. Lambda members were mostly gay men, with little participation from lesbians or transgenders. The organization was disbanded in 1986.

1987: Creation of GAYa Nusantara, the oldest LGBT group still in existence.

1993: Indonesian Lesbian and Gay Congress (KLGI) held in Kaliurang, near Yogyakarta. Subsequent congresses were held in Lembang, West Java, in 1995, and in Denpasar, Bali, in 1997.

1998: Lesbian and bisexual women, as well as transgender men, participate in the Indonesian Women’s Congress in 1998.

2006: Signing of the Yogyakarta Principles, the first international principles on the application of international human rights law in relation to sexual orientation and gender identity.

2007: Establishment of the Gay, Transgender and Men Who Have Sex with Men Network (GWL INA), which aims to support the scale-up of HIV prevention and care programs for targeted communities.

2008: After the third International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA) Conference in Thailand, six LGBT organizations from Jakarta, Surabaya and Yogyakarta team up to strengthen the movement, the forerunner of today’s LGBTIQ Forum.

2013: National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) sets LGBT rights as a topic for a plenary discussion for the first time in 10 years.

Source: The Jakarta Post

Response to Illegal block of Istanbul Pride 2015

Illegal Block of Istanbul Pride 2015

The Istanbul LGBTI Pride Parade has been held for thirteen years. Yet this year the Istanbul Governor’s Office blocked the parade, citing the fact that it coincided with Ramadan. The use of Ramadan, the Islamic month of fasting, as an excuse to curtail the freedoms of assembly, demonstration, and speech is a clear violation of rule of law. In taking this illegal decision, the Governor’s Office has thus broken the law.

In applying the governor’s illegal order, law enforcement officials, too, became accomplices in a crime. They attacked tens of thousands of people with tear gas, riot-control vehicles, and plastic bullets, even though those people had come to assemble peacefully, just as they had last year. Law enforcement officials violated their legal obligations by carrying out the unconstitutional and illegal order handed down by the Istanbul governor’s office. Indeed, on the day of the attack, many police officers lacked helmets and registration numbers that would have helped identify them.

Moreover, the decision to block the parade because of Ramadan artificially inflames tensions by presenting LGBTI status and Muslim faith as if they were supposedly two opposing identities. It purposely ignores the fact that LGBTI individuals can come from all walks of life and aims to demonize them in the eyes of the wider public, preparing the ground for future attacks against LGBTI individuals. The government and the governor’s office will thus be held directly responsible for any attacks against LGBTI individuals that may be committed from this point on.

In a statement following the events, the Istanbul Governor’s Office stated that it had not received any notification about the parade and also that it had felt that certain groups were going to react violently to the parade.

First, if there was indeed credible information that an outside attack was to occur, it is the duty of the governor and of law enforcement to take measures to prevent such an attack, not to themselves attack the group exercising its right to assemble.

Second, Law No. 2911 on Assembly, Demonstrations, and Parades, as well as the relevant article of the constitution, are both entirely clear: Such assemblies are not subject to the prior permission of the governor’s office, nor is there even any obligation to notify the authorities. The 13th annual LGBTI Pride Parade planned for Sunday, 28 June in Taksim Square, was thus not in violation of any law. Moreover, after the parade itself was blocked, law enforcement continued to attack people gathered on the streets for hours. The streets and venues where the Pride Party was being held were attacked by police using gas canisters and plastic bullets long into the night. Such behavior on the part of the police goes beyond merely preventing an “unannounced” parade: It shows that this was an attack on our identities and our very existence.

Hundreds of people who came to participate in the parade were affected or harmed by the attacks, some with injuries serious enough to warrant hospital reports. We would like to take this opportunity to wish a speedy recovery to all of our friends and supporters who were victims of police violence on Sunday. For years, the state purposely ignored systematic violence being inflicted on LGBTI individuals and even reduced the punishments faced by perpetrators; now it is the state itself that has directly and physically attacked the existence of LGBTI individuals in Turkey.

Furthermore, we fail to understand how the same government that assured the United Nations on Friday (26 June) that it would protect LGBTI rights could on Sunday (28 June) go and attack the 13th annual Istanbul LGBTI Pride Parade without providing a legal justification. At the UN meeting on Friday, Turkey approved Norway’s proposal that “Turkey should carry out its human-rights obligations by ensuring that LGBTI individuals and non-governmental organizations are included in the process.” It also declared that it would carry out all proposals approved within the framework of the United Nations. A mere two days later, however, the government acted in violation of these proposals.

We repeat: We were here before, we are here now, and we will always be here!

Turkey has held an LGBTI Pride Parade for thirteen years. It is just one of the many activities of Istanbul LGBTI Pride Week in late June, which has been held for 23 years to mark the anniversary of the 1969 Stonewall Riots. It will continue to take place next year and every year thereafter. We will persist in our struggle for existence regardless of the government in power. We will continue to resist all forms of oppression, as we have for years.

We’re here to stay, so get used to it!

At 12:30 on Thursday, 2 July, we will file an official criminal complaint at the Çağlayan Courthouse in Istanbul against Interior Minister Sebahattin Öztürk, Istanbul Governor Vasip Şahin, and Istanbul Police Chief Selami Altınok for their role in ordering the attacks on the 13th Annual Istanbul LGBTI Pride Parade. We call on all political parties, labor unions, the democratically minded Turkish public, and international non-governmental organizations to come and express their solidarity with our cause.

Istanbul LGBTI Pride Week Committee

Reposted from: SPOD

Resistance in the face of police violence at Istanbul Pride 2015

Police attacked the LGBTI Pride Parade with water cannon and tear gas to disperse the participants at Istanbul Pride on Sunday 28 June 2015.

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The participants as well as journalists were exposed to violence, the disproportionate use of tear gas, and arbitrary detention by Turkey’s police forces. MPs from the CHP and HDP resisted together against the police attack. Despite of the police violence, rainbow flags were waived everywhere in Beyoğlu Street.

Turkish police fired water cannon and rubber pellets to disperse a crowd gathered around the LGBTI Pride Parade by using the month of Ramadan as an “excuse”.

A similar parade occurred peacefully in Istanbul without any incident last year during the month of Ramadan.

Pride Parade participants chanted slogans like “legs to shoulders against fascism”, “don’t keep silent, shout it out, gays exist”, “Police, prostitute yourself and live proudly” against police brutality.

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Just before the Parade, Kaos GL and Bianet editors were about to be taken into custody while recording police violence.


Cyber attacks to KaosGL.org

When police was attacking to pride participants, KaosGL.org faced cyber attacks. Could not access the site long time, technical difficulties continued until late at night.

U.S. Consul General in Istanbul Charles F. Hunter, MPs Filiz Kerestecioğlu, Beyza Üstün and Sezai Temelli from the HDP and MPs Sezgin Tanrıkulu and Mahmut Tanal from the CHP and Beşiktaş Mayor Murat Hazinedar were also in Taksim. MPs from the HDP and CHP formed a human chain to prevent riot police from attacking the participant of the Parade. They resisted against homophobia together.

The 23rd Istanbul LGBTI Pride Committee released an announcement and urged the participants to remain in place!

The announcement is as follows:

The 13th Istanbul LGBTI Pride Parade scheduled to take place at 17:00 in Taksim has suddenly been banned by the Governorate, using the month of Ramadan as an excuse, without any announcement.

The police is attacking tens of thousands of people with pepper spray, plastic bullets, and water cannon.

All entrances and exits to and from Taksim and Istiklal Street have been shut down.

We call on the Istanbul Governor Vasip Sahin to adhere to the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey, to immediately cease the attacks, and to make a public statement.

All Pride Parade participants are urged to remain in place and not leave Beyoglu until the walk can be started as planned.

People who believe in a free world but could not make it to Taksim: we invite you to make some noise with pots & pans or whatever you find, whereever you are, at 6pm.

WE ARE HERE, GET USED TO IT, WE ARE NOT LEAVING!

Love wins!

#GelYanima #JoinUs

The police did not allow the Pride Parade participants to make a press release at first, and then the participants walked through the Tunnel Square and were able to make a press release in such unfair conditions.

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Participants walked to the Tünel Square, Police didn’t allow for press statement

At 19:00, Pride Parade participants walked into a crowd of police barricades and police opened the Tünel Square. In a press statement; Committee highlighted police attack. Police didn’t allow the full press statement.

5 LGBT individuals were attacked by unidentified persons. Nose of one of LGBT activists and hip of one activist were broken.

Police also continued to attack the night after the party.

Despite the ongoing police attack rainbow flags waved in all the streets of Beyoğlu all day!


Photos: Barış Paksoy Docu News Agency

Reposted from: KAOS-GL

A lesson in body positivity for Pakistan

6 December 2014

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Luavut Zahid is Pakistan Today’s Special Correspondent. Her work places an emphasis on conflict and disasters, human rights, religious and sexual minorities, climate change, development and governance. She also serves as the Pakistan Correspondent to the Crisis Response Journal.

——-

A much needed conversation just got started. 

To mark the One Day, One Struggle (ODOS) on 9th November, Drag It To The Top began a series of workshops which focused on human rights and bodily rights. The ODOS workshop, which falls under the umbrella of the Coalition of Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR), took place at the Institute of Peace & Secular Studies (IPSS) in Lahore.

The workshops can potentially cause an extremely positive ripple effect because they don’t just aim to drum up dialogues and get people talking, it has the ability to break actual stereotypes. It is the result of collaboration between human rights activists Hadi Hussain, Aisha Haleem, Fakhra Hassan and Fatima A Athar.

In a country like Pakistan, focus on these issues is desperately needed and unfortunately rare. The two-hour multilingual workshop had a focus on Urdu as the main language. Through use of participatory theatre and interactive dialogue it tried to create a safe space where a diverse set of people could come together and discuss body acceptance, body positive and fat-positive attitudes. “Audience members were randomly asked to pick a word (a commonly used label or slur for body type/feature or outward appearance) which they then had to communicate to the audience by enacting it. After the audience guessed it, there would be discussion about the connotations, stereotypes and personal experiences of the audience members as a way to motivate us to think about these things as they manifest in our daily lives,” Fatima informed.

JHIH-Workshop-Poster

“Our purpose behind the format was to facilitate the process of rethinking as well as relearning of the participants where they would be able to realise the whats, whys and hows of body politics,” Hadi informed while explaining the format. “Through this indirect learning methodology, we gave them space to be open enough to share their ideas regarding various body types and appearances and see what effects they have on others. It was an attempt to initiate self-actualisation process where one can recognise the social construction of all such labels,” he added.

The size of the workshop was also kept small on purpose; however, it doesn’t seem as though the group believes in strength in numbers. Fatima elaborated: “We knew from the get-go we didn’t want the ‘standard’ workshop model that divides attendees into teacher and taught, actor and spectator. There’s too much of that going on already!

“Our aim was to encourage critical thought, and for that we came up with a somewhat unusual model. So we kept the pilot workshop small, with attendees from all walks of life but not very many in total, and plenty of room for individual feedback. This was a workshop where the audience was also the teacher, and we wanted to make sure everyone received the time, attention, and safe space needed to draw out their thoughts. We’re thrilled by the response.”

Figuring out the best way to put the workshop together was also a journey for the group. “Initially, I was thinking of putting together a theatrical performance focused on the politics of oppression but then realised that this kind of activity was in danger of becoming one-sided and detached from experiences of daily life,” Fakhra said. “Drag It To The Top has a tradition of following a community-based approach to events that we have been organising since 2012. We believe in capitalising on human experiences and human bondage. Before the event, at the event and after the event, there is no hierarchy between an organiser and a participant,” she added.

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The manner in which the workshop functions is inspired by a need to change the way people perceive things, the way they consume information and the way they react to it. “One fine evening, we started talking about the “extreme news” in the media on violence, sexual harassment, murders, honour killings, rape, insanity and other horror stories of life we see in the papers and in our own lives occupied with nationalist and world politics. I thought “Oh my God, look at all the violence around us. We are so desensitised. We see violence and take it as a given, like passive recipients.

“This happens because we hardly find time and space to talk about our own selves. Look at our lives. Have we ever thought about how it affects our bodies and our psyche? Have we ever talked about how we really perceive ourselves and the others in light of all this violence and injustice in the world? Have we taken a stand to do something uplifting for those we care about? Are we really being true to ourselves?” questioned Fakhra.

The initiative is extremely important because people from Pakistan, and South Asia in a larger context, tend to undermine how essential it is to actually create a dialogue around their bodies. Fakhra feels that this has to change. “We usually undermine the importance of talking about our bodies, our perceptions and our feelings unless there is some kind of violation happening, which is quite frequent here anyway. Unfortunately most of us forget to acknowledge that our bodies are political, the very fabric of our being is political and therefore needs looking after and cared for. “I feel, therefore I am” is highly underrated,” she asserted.

And that is where the group also found their muse. “There it was. The talk had to be about body acceptance and body positivity and creating safe spaces for talking about these issues with comfort and ease. We later on settled for enacting body labels to begin with and decided to bring up the issues during the discussion. I think that worked out quite well,” Fakhra explained.

What seemed like just a discussion on labels at the start began to look more and more like an exercise in addressing and breaking stereotypes soon. The workshop was a multifaceted affair. “Although the labels we talked about involved body politics but it’s all about breaking stereotypes and that’s why we developed the idea of having this workshop in the first place. We wanted to question the hierarchical social construction of different body labels which gives a privileged status to a few while downplaying others. We wanted to challenge why the idea of beauty is always associated with being fair skinned, tall and having a toned/slim body. Why can’t a dark skinned, short, and fat person be beautiful?” Hadi asked.

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Pakistan can only progress with this kind of a conversation. The fact that it’s taking place under something like the CBSR also ensures that it will be done in a way that does not alienate anyone’s sentiments. Hadi feels that these kinds of initiatives serve the Pakistani society on multiple levels. “The idea of talking about bodies isn’t unique, as we are always commenting about how people look and appear, but yes talking about bodies in a non-stereotypical way, detached from normative depiction, is quite radical,” he excitedly explained.

“On one hand it will create a discourse of questioning and challenging the way people view various body labels while developing a non-judgmental approach of addressing such labels and on the other it will enable individuals to rise above the body shaming or body privilege they have been experiencing in their daily life. This will definitely have a positive impact on the physical and psychological well being of the individuals,” Hadi said.

The initiative has a lot of things on its list of things-to-do. This was just a small taste of what’s to come. “The workshop series’ overall aim is to promote body positivity and acceptance by exploring the intersection between racism, ableism (a pressing issue — consider the recent event where police beat up blind people protesting for their rights on World Disability Day), sexism, homophobia and transphobia,” Fatima explained.

“Since the first step to solving a problem is naming it, the pilot workshop focused on encouraging participants to reveal and discuss their own bias (conscious or unconscious) as well as personal experiences, as part of putting together a critical evaluation of the cultural vocabulary we use to describe, depict, and shape the ways we think about non-normative bodies and the labels those human beings are reduced to: the disabled, the unattractive, the unusual, the different,” she added.

The group plans to hold multiple workshops addressing the same issues in the future. Fortunately, this is just the beginning.

————–
Re-posted from: Pakistan Today

WAO Reveals 2015 Domestic Violence Report & Launches Public Education Campaign “Can You Keep A Secret?”

WAO Launch 'Can You Keep A Secret'


Kuala Lumpur, 23 June 2015
– Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO) revealed their annual “Working Together: Case Studies in Domestic Violence Response, 2015 Report”, simultaneously launching their public education campaign with a ceramic art installation entitled, “Can You Keep A Secret?” in collaboration with Leo Burnett/ Arc Worldwide Malaysia today in Publika. The launch was officiated by the Minister of Women, Family and Community Development, YB Dato’ Sri Rohani Abdul Karim.

The report details the experiences of domestic abuse survivors and the challenges they faced in obtaining protection and justice. WAO also compiled a comprehensive list of recommendations directed towards relevant government authorities.

“Can You Keep a Secret?” is aimed at raising awareness on domestic violence and will be onWAO 2015 Report Working Togetherdisplay at the Blue Bridge on Level G3 of Publika, featuring live-size ceramic head sculptures representing everyday women who could be victims of abuse. The twelve ceramic heads feature different stories of domestic violence survivors, drawing the public’s attention and urging them to speak out when it matters most – when they notice abuse.

Artist James Seet from Leo Burnett/ Arc Worldwide Malaysia volunteered his time and skills to create the sculptures as it was an issue he strongly wanted to champion. Ceramic art was used to mirror real stories of survivors, representing the fragility of abused victims. Masking their internal emotions with a strong façade, victims develop deep mental and emotional scars that affect their wellbeing,“ Seet said.

“In line with Leo Burnett’s Humankind philosophy of creating work that influences behaviour, we hope to be able to bring the severity of domestic violence to attention through this art installation. This issue will not resolve overnight, but with the little exposure and education on this topic, we hope to encourage Malaysians to take action when they come across domestic violence,” James added.

“The Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development prioritises women’s rights, and is working towards achieving gender equality. Malaysia is committed to our obligations to Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The Ministry strongly supports efforts by government and non-governmental agencies to assist survivors of domestic violence,” the Minister stressed.

WAO Launch "Can You Keep A Secret?" 2The Minister also noted that there were strengths and weaknesses in the response system for domestic violence survivors, which the report points out. The Minister added that her Ministry would “consider all suggestions and recommendations that WAO has raised in the report to better address domestic violence.”

Sumitra Visvanathan, Executive Director of WAO, emphasised the importance of multi-stakeholder collaboration in addressing domestic violence. She stated, “All relevant bodies, including non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and government agencies such as hospitals and the police must work together to improve our response to domestic violence and continue to ensure that victim-survivors have access to the crucial support and assistance that we collectively provide.”

The report highlights the key role of police as first-responders in most domestic violence cases. From the 110 victim-survivors surveyed, 68 (61.8%) of them sought help from the police before anyone else.

“The police play a vital role in domestic violence response. It is exceedingly important that officers receive proper support and training to deal with these cases,” Visvanathan further commented.

Another highlight in the report is breakthrough developments in the courts where domestic violence cases are tried. For example, a victim impact statement (VIS) was successfully used in convicting a perpetrator. In another case, the perpetrator was successfully jailed for breaching a protection order, a first in Malaysia.

WAO Vice-President Tashia Peterson said at the launch, “Domestic violence must not be seen as normal; women have the right to a life free from violence. We want the public to recognise that and realise that we all have a part to play in ending domestic violence.”

“We would also like to thank Leo Burnett/ Arc Worldwide Malaysia for helping to make our campaign a success,as well as the office of Datuk Paul Low Seng Kuan, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, and Brickfields Asia College (BAC) for their generous support towards publishing the report. Thank you as well to Publika for providing us the space to conduct these initiatives,” she added. `

The art installation will be on display in Publika, on the Blue Bridge on Level G3, until the 22nd of July. It will then exhibited in other locations.

The report is available for download at bit.ly/WAOreport.

Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO) provides temporary shelter, social work and counselling services for domestic violence survivors and advocates for women’s human rights. Call our counselling line at 03 7956 3488 or SMS TINA at 018 988 8058 if you or someone you know is experiencing abuse. Together, we change lives.

For more information, contact: Kristine Yap, kristine.wao@gmail.com

 

 

LGBTI People Gain Ground on Rights Advocacy in Turkish Parliamentary Elections

LGBTI Rights Turkey

June 10, 2015 (New York)- The International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) welcomes the results of the June 7 parliamentary election in Turkey, which has seated an unprecedented 22 outspoken advocates for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) rights. These new members of Parliament are allies of the LGBTI community who have signed a pledge to support LGBTI rights.

“The fact that Turkey’s population has elected 22 acknowledged advocates for LGBTI rights is a tremendous victory,” said Hossein Alizadeh, a program coordinator for IGLHRC, which works closely with LGBTI partner organizations in Turkey. “It is particularly important in a political landscape that recently has been quite conservative and where some high-level politicians have rejected even basic rights based on sexual orientation and gender identity.”

While Turkey does not criminalize same-sex sexual relationships, and LGBTI groups are allowed to operate legally, social discrimination and rights violations against individuals suspected of being gay, lesbian, transgender or bisexual, or who otherwise do not conform to prevailing gender norms, are a regular occurrence in the country. The authorities have so far ignored demands from international bodies, including the United Nations and the European Union, to recognize rights and protect LGBTI people against discrimination and abuse based on sexual orientation and gender identity.

In the months leading up to the election, LGBTI organizations and activists across Turkey came together to launch a national campaign entitled “LGBTI in the Parliament” (Mecliste LGBTİ), urging parliamentary candidates to sign a pledge to support LGBTI rights in Turkey. In total, 64 candidates signed the pledge in the days leading up to the June 7 election. Twenty-two of those who signed the pledge were elected as members of Parliament. Seven of those who publically committed to LGBTI rights are from the liberal Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) and 15 of them represent the secularist Republican’s People Party (CHP) from across the country.

“Despite former Prime Minister Davutoglu and current President Erdoğan’s public statements against the involvement of LGBTI organizations in the election campaign, including the candidacy of Baris Sulu, a LGBTI rights activist from the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), the election results proved that homophobic and transphobic statements do not have any negative impacts on the voting behavior of the constituents.” said Volkan Yilmaz, the head of the Executive Board of the Social Policies, Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation Studies Association (SPoD), one of Turkey’s leading LGBTI organizations. Yilmaz added, “Thanks to the ‘LGBTI in the Parliament’ campaign as well as the efforts of LGBTI rights activists in different political parties, we have now at least 22 MPs in the new Parliament who have declared their commitment to LGBTI rights.”

Two days before the election at a campaign rally, for example, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said homosexuals were the “representatives of sedition.”

In Sunday’s election, the main opposition group, the secularist Republican’s People Party secured 132 votes in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (the Turkish Parliament), while in a landslide victory, the liberal Peoples’ Democratic Party succeeded in occupying 82 seats in the Parliament. HDP has a long history of supporting LGBTI rights in Turkey, with the leader of the party, Selahattin Demirtas, an open advocate for LGBT rights, both during this election and back in August 2014, when he ran as one of the three contenders for the Presidential election. In recent years, CHP has also been vocal in supporting equal rights and protections for the LGBTI community, with the leader of the party, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, recently supporting same-sex partnership, arguing that “nobody can interfere with anybody’s [private] life.”

Contact: Suzanne Trimel, 212-430-6018, strimel@iglhrc or
Hossein Alizadeh, 212-430-6016 halizadeh@iglhrc.org

Source: ILGHRC

KOHL – A Journal for Body and Gender Research, Vol. 1

KOHLIssue-1-cover

 

The first volume of Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research كحل: مجلة لأبحاث الجسد و الجندر is available in English here. Arabic version coming soon.


About Kohl:  
Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research كحل: مجلة لأبحاث الجسد و الجندر is a progressive, new journal on gender and sexuality in the Middle East, South West Asia and North Africa region. Kohl is a biannual, multilingual, open access, and peer-reviewed academic journal. It targets mainly, but not exclusively, graduate-level academics, fresh graduates, independent writers, activists, and researchers who are not affiliated with an academic institution. [1]

 

Rethinking Intersections: A MENA-centred Definition of Gender and Sexuality (Vol. 1): Table of Contents

Rethinking Intersections, Rethinking Contexts: Writing in Times of Dissent (Editorial) – Ghiwa Sayegh

Feminism as a Moral Imperative in a Globalised World (Commentary) – Arianne Shahvisi

Women as Space/Women in Space: Relocating our Bodies and Rewriting Gender in Space – Jana Nakhal

Reconceptualizing Sexual Harassment in Egypt: A Longitudinal Assessment of el-Taharrush el-Ginsy in Arabic Online Forums and Anti-Sexual Harassment Activism – Angie Abdelmonem

From Diaspora to Nationalism via Colonialism: The Jewish “Memory” Whitened, Israelized, Pinkwashed, and De-Queered – Sahar Mandour

Re-Orienting Desire from With/In Queer Arab Shame: Conceptualizing Queer Arab Subjectivities through Sexual Difference Theory in a Reading of Bareed Mista3jil – Sarah Hamdan

Signifying Bodies: Artistic Representations of Embodiments in the Works of Samir Khaddaje, Rabih Mroué and Lina Saneh – Zéna M. Meskaoui

Pinkwashing: Israel’s International Strategy and Internal Agenda (Testimony) – Ghadir Shafie

Women’s Rights in Iraq: Old and New Challenges (Testimony) – Ilham Hammadi

A Political Movement in Lebanon? A Conversation on Feminism and Queerness (Openings) – Sanaa H.

The Bill on Fighting Violence against Women in Morocco: Anything new? (Resource) – Anass Sadoun


Call for Submissions for Vol. 2

The deadline to apply for submissions for volume 2, “The Non-Exotic Erotic: Questions of Desire and Representation”, has been extended to 2 August 2015. Find out more here.

 

Ensuring Women and Girls’ Sexual and Reproductive Health and Reproductive Rights in the Post-2015 Agenda

This 28 May 2015, on the international day for action on women’s health, the Women’s Global May-28-slogan-finalNetwork for Reproductive Rights (WNGRR) and partners launched a Call to Action to ensure that women and girls’ sexual and reproductive health rights are included within the Post-2105 agenda.

The action called on governments worldwide to respect, protect, and fulfill women’s right to health, dignity and bodily integrity, and end violence against women in ALL its forms, including the one form of violence particularly experienced by women and girls if they are young, unmarried, poor, HIV affected, of diverse sexual orientations or gender identities, living with a disability, or in other vulnerable situations, that remains rampant and unaddressed: namely, the institutional violence they experience when they are denied their right to health and are unable to access sexual and reproductive health services. 

“Institutional violence,” or violence perpetrated by the State, has traditionally been understood as largely occurring within extreme circumstances of conflicts, disasters, and economic crises.[3] As defined by the 1993 UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, however, violence against women includes “physical, sexual and psychological violence perpetrated or condoned by the State or its agents regardless of where it occurs.”[4] With this definition in mind, examples of violence and discrimination resulting from the violation of women’s right to sexual and reproductive health are far too common and widespread, such as:

  •  The denial of the right to access safe and legal abortion services, thereby forcing women through restrictive abortion laws to carry to term an unwanted pregnancy, even if it puts their health and life at risk, or even in cases of rape or incest, subjecting them to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, particularly if women are then criminalized and incarcerated;
  • Forced or coerced sterilization or abortion, as all too often experienced by women living with HIV, women living with disabilities, individuals of diverse SOGI, among others;
  • Obstetric violence, discrimination and denial of medical care to pregnant women, particularly if they are single and/or unmarried, forcing them to go through their pregnancy and/or labour in unsafe and life-threatening conditions;
  • The denial of young people’s access to comprehensive SRH services, particularly in the form of denying access to emergency contraception even in cases of rape, thereby subjecting young women and girls to forced teenage pregnancy and exacerbating the violence they already experienced.

While these examples may seem extreme, they happen all too frequently, and share a common root cause: namely, the denial of women’s right to sexual and reproductive health, and the denial of women and girls’ right to exercise autonomous decision-making over their bodies and their lives. The denial of these rights results in violence against women[5] and in some cases results in cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment paramount to torture, as recognized by Human Rights Bodies.[6]
As a follow-up to the action, WNGRR submitted a letter to the delegates of 58 UN Member States who delivered a joint statement in support of SRHR at the OWG13 session.

See the original call to action here: http://www.may28.org/call-to-action/, and the final letter to UN delegates endorsed by 177 organizations and 290 individuals worldwide here.

 

WLUML condemns the harassment of Sri Lankan activist Sharmila Seyyid

Statement of Solidarity CSBR

Women Living Under Muslim Laws (WLUML) condemns the backlash faced by Sri Lankan Human Rights Defender, Sharmila Seyyid, and calls for her security and freedom to be guaranteed.

In November 2012, Ms. Sharmia Seyyid stated during a radio interview with the Tamil Rado Service of the BBC that the suffering of sex workers would be alleviated if prostitution was legalized.

Severe backlash from the Muslim community has since ensued; Seyyid has been accused of being a heretic, of disobeying the tenets of Islam, has received death threats, and has had her English academy attacked by arsonists. Persecutors have used social media to intimidate Seyyid, which has involved sexualized harassment, and threats of violence and death.  The harassment has resulted in her fleeing the country, and it continues to this day, having also affected other family members.

Ms. Seyyid is a poet, novelist, journalist, social worker and single mother from Eravur, a largely Hindu Tamil province in eastern Sri Lanka. She is an active Woman Human Rights Defender who has been doing valuable social work related to women’s issues in the Batticaloa District and has worked closely with minority women in the East. In 2009, she founded the Organization for Social Development, a community-based organization in Eravur, to help address post-war women’s issues.

Sharmila Seyyid’s exposure to physical and online threats is intolerable, and just another example of the particular persecution WHRDs face for daring to speak up.

Her persecution follows a climate of increasing influence of Wahhabist strands of Islam in Sri Lanka, which is yet to recover after the protracted civil war and ethnic conflict. Non state forces are pushing an overarching majoritarian ideology and hampering the initiatives of the few civil organisations trying to forge inter-ethnic cohesion and citizen rights. These growing influences have contributed to an increase in intra-religious tensions.  Notably, the resulting homogenizing trends of the ‘Muslim identity’ have also curtailed Muslim women’s freedoms in the name of ‘tradition, religion and culture.’

The backlash Ms. Seyyid is experiences is an example of the harassment that activists face when speaking up about social realities.

WLUML strongly believes that Ms. Seyyid has every right to express her views without facing such damaging repercussions. 

We heavily condemn all forms of persecution and harassment and are gravely concerned for her safety. Ms. Seyyid, like many WHRDs around the world, has been victim of the fundamentalist backlash that strongly hampers women’s entry into the public sphere, their political participation, and their freedom to express dissenting views. The defaming, hatred, and threats against a person, particularly a woman, for having a particular opinion is unacceptable.

We support Sri Lanka’s civil society leaders in urging the Sri Lankan authorities, community religious leaders, and civil society actors of the Muslim community to halt the targeting of fellow Muslims and all fellow citizens, to encourage a safer, fairer society, and to actively strive to uphold citizen rights. We urge the Sri Lankan authorities to ensure that investigations will be carried out against those who caused the misconduct and that justice will be meted.


If you would like to support this statement as an organisation or an individual, please email ifra@wluml.org.

This statement is supported by:

The Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID)
Emilia Novo
Faizun Zackariya, Muslim Women’s Research and Action Front (MWRAF), Sri Lanka
Sally Armstrong, Journalist, Canada
Urgent Action Fund for Women’s Human Rights
Gita Sahgal, Centre for Secular Space, UK
Women’s Action Network Sri Lanka
Shreen Abdul Saroor, Mannar Women’s Development Federation, Sri Lanka
The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR)
PILIPINA Legal Resources Center, The Philippines
Matthew Abely, student teacher, San Jose, CA, USA

Gender, Economic, Social and Ecological Justice for Sustainable Development: A Feminist Declaration for Post 2015

Gender, Economic, Social and Ecological Justice for Sustainable Development

A Feminist Declaration for Post 2015

As the United Nations decides on the future course of international development Post 2015, women of all ages, identities, ethnicities, cultures and across sectors and regions, are mobilizing for gender, social, cultural, economic and ecological justice, sustainable development and inclusive peace. We seek fundamental structural and transformational changes to the current neoliberal, extractivist and exclusive development model that perpetuates inequalities of wealth, power and resources between countries, within countries and between men and women. We challenge the current security paradigm that increases investments in the military-industrial complex, which contributes to violent conflict between and within countries.

We demand a paradigm transformation from the current neoliberal economic model of development, which prioritizes profit over people, and exacerbates inequalities, war and conflict, militarism, patriarchy, environmental degradation and climate change. Instead, we call for economic models and development approaches that are firmly rooted in principles of human rights and environmental sustainability, that address inequalities between people and states, and that rebalance power relations for justice so that the result is sustained peace, equality, the autonomy of peoples, and the preservation of the planet.

This transformational shift requires the redistribution of unequal and unfair burdens on women and girls in sustaining societal well being and economies, intensified in times of violence and conflict, as well as during economic and ecological crises. It also must bring attention to the kind of growth generated and for this growth to be directed toward ensuring well being and sustainability for all. It must tackle intersecting and structural drivers of inequalities, and multiple forms of discrimination based on gender, age, class, caste, race, ethnicity,place of origin, cultural or religious background, sexual orientation, gender identity, health status and abilities. This involves reviewing and reforming existing laws and policies that criminalize consensual behaviors related to sexuality and reproduction.

A development model that will work for women and girls of all ages and identities must be firmly rooted in international human rights principles and obligations, including non-retrogression, progressive realization, and the Rio principles, including common but differentiated responsibilities, as well as the fulfillment of the Cairo Program of Action, the Beijing Platform for Action, and Extraterritorial Obligations of States as outlined in the Maastricht Principles. It also requires states to have ratified and implemented international human rights treaties, including on economic and social rights and women’s human rights, and multilateral environmental agreements. Any sustainable development framework Post 2015 must aim for social inclusion and equity, human security and sustainable peace, the fulfillment of human rights for all and gender equality. It requires reviewing the current security paradigm of investing heavily in militarized peace and security; respecting the secularity of the State where this is enshrined in national norms; reversing the current model of over-consumption and production to one of sustainable consumption, production, and distribution; and ensuring a new ecological sustainability plan that applies a biosphere approach and respect for planetary boundaries and ecological sustainability.

We aim to build political commitment and to overcome financial and legal obstacles to sustainable development, peace, and the respect, protection and fulfillment of all women’s human rights. We urge the international community to address the unjust social, economic and environmental conditions that perpetuate armed conflict,violence and discrimination, the feminization of poverty, commodification of natural resources, and threats to food sovereignty that impede women and girls from becoming empowered, realizing their human rights and achieving gender equality.

Specifically, we call for:

  1. Gender equality to be cross-cutting across all sustainable development goals, strategies and objectives, as well as astand alone goal to achieve gender equality, women’s empowerment and the full realization of women’s human rightsthat contributes to the redistribution of the current concentration of power, wealth and resources, including information and technology. We call for anend to all forms of gender-basedviolenceincluding early and forced marriages, female genital mutilation, honor killings and sexual violence, especially during and after conflict and natural disasters; an end to all forms of discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, race, ethnicity, cultural background and health status; a guarantee of women’s equal, full and effective participation at all levels of political, private and public life, leadership and decision-making, including in all peace processes; a guarantee of all women’s equal rights to land and property; a guarantee of all women’s sexual, bodily and reproductive autonomy free from stigma, discrimination and violence; and the collection of data and statistics, disaggregated by, among others, gender, age, race, ethnicity, location, disability and socio-economic status to inform the formulation, monitoring and evaluation of laws, policies and programs.
  2. Any goal on education must include specific means to address the social, cultural and community practices that prevent girls, adolescents and women across the life-course from accessing and completing education and lifelong learning; create enabling environments for girls’ learning, including safety, hygiene, and mobility; achieve universal access to quality early childhood, primary, secondary and tertiary education for all children and eliminate gender gaps, with a focus on transitions between primary-secondary and secondary-tertiary in order to ensure retention and completion by girls, adolescents and young people; provide formal and non-formal education for all women to be aware of and able to exercise their human rights;ensure comprehensive sexuality education programs that promote values of respect for human rights, freedom, non-discrimination, gender equality, non-violence and peace-building; implement education curricula that are gender-sensitive and eliminate gender stereotypes, sexism, racism and homophobia, and that provide teacher training to enable the delivery of unbiased, non-judgmental education
  1. Any goal on health must include the achievement of the right to the highest attainable standard of health, including sexual and reproductive health and rights. Health services must be integrated and comprehensive, free from violence, coercion, stigma and discrimination, and emphasize equitable access, especially for adolescents, to contraception, including emergency contraception, information on assisted reproduction, maternity care, safe abortion, prevention and treatment of STIs and prevention, treatment, care and support of HIV, as well as services for those suffering from violence and in situations of emergencies and armed conflict. All services must be accessible, affordable, acceptable and of quality. New investments and strategies for health and the development of goals, targets and indicators must be firmly based on human rights, including sexual and reproductive rights.
  2. To ensure economic justice we call for an enabling international environment for development that upholds the extra-territorial obligation of states to ensure macroeconomic and financial policies meet economic and social rights as enshrined in the Maastricht principles.This includes development-oriented trade, fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies, progressive tax measures, a sovereign debt workout mechanism, and ending trade and investment treaties that impoverish nations and people;challenging global intellectual property rights frameworks; eliminating harmful subsidies; boosting productive capacity through an inclusive and sustainable industrialization strategy of diversified economic sectors moving from carbon intensive to safe and environmentally sound societies; transforming the gendered division of labor and assuring the redistribution of paid and unpaid work, while ensuring decent work and a living wage for all; implementing a universal social protection floor for persons of all ages to access basic services such as health care,child and elder care, education, food, water, sanitation, energy, housing and employment; recognition and account for the value of care work and protect the rights of care workers throughout the global care chain and guarantee women’s equal access to resources; promotion of technology transfer, financing, monitoring, assessment, and research in line with the precautionary principle; increased financing for gender equality and women’s human rights and re-directing investments in the warfare industry from militarized security to human security.
  3. To promote ecological justice, we call for ensuring the health of ecosystems and ecosystem services are protected and restored and that the intrinsic value of nature is recognized and respected;an end to the commodification of nature; securing safe, sustainable and just production and consumption patterns and eliminating hazardous substances and technologies; ensuring food and water sovereignty for all, paying particular attention to small holder farmers and fisher-folk, who are often women, as key economic actors whose right to use and own land and access forests, grass and waste-lands, rivers, lakes, seas and oceans should be protected through legally binding safeguards, including against land and resource grabbing; respect for the unique knowledge of indigenous peoples and local communities, including peasant and coastal communities, and ensuring the right to free, prior and informed consent in any development projects that may affect the lands, territories and resources which they own, occupy or otherwise use; address the inequality, pressure and exploitation of women living in poverty within urban and rural communities, including through reversing rapid and unsustainable urbanization to prevent degradation of ecosystems and exploitation of resources that exacerbates injustice in urban, peri-urban and rural areas. Ecological justice requires a strengthened United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, fulfillment of the Maastricht Principles on Extraterritorial Obligations of States, and a clear recognition of the cultural and ecosystem losses that climate change has already failed to save- and the crises faced by small island developing states- particularly by strengthening the newly established Loss and Damage mechanism under the UNFCCC.

With regard to governance and accountability and means of implementation of the sustainable development framework, we call for a prioritization of public financing over public-private partnerships as well as transparency and accountability in both public and private actions related to sustainable development. Private sector is profit-oriented by nature and not obligated to invest in social needs and global public goods. Today, thirty-seven of the world’s 100 largest economies are corporations. The public sector—whose crucial roles include the financing necessary for poverty eradication, meeting social needs and financing global public goods—thus remains essential for a sustainable development financing strategy. All public budgets need to be transparent, open to public debate,gender responsive and allocate adequate resources to achieving these priorities, including through the implementation of international financial transaction taxes. We must ensure the meaningful participation of women in the design, delivery, monitoring and evaluation of the development goals, policies and programs, as well as during peace-building efforts, protect all women human rights defenders, and guarantee their safety and non persecution. There must be access to effective remedies and redress at the national level for women’s human rights violations. Monitoring and evaluation should include reporting of states on their obligations before the Universal Periodic Review, CEDAW and its Optional Protocol, and other human rights mechanisms and under multilateral environmental agreements. Regulation, accountability and transparency of non-state actors, particularly trans-national corporations and public-private partnerships, are critical for achieving sustainable development.Justice will not be possible without effective governance mechanisms, for which it is necessary to guarantee the respect for, enforceability and justiciability of all human rights, as well as ensuring the rule of law and the full participation of civil society, in conditions of equality between men and women.

 

List of Signatories (as of February 28, 2014)

  1. 1325 Policy Group-Sweden
  2. AAARP International
  3. Aahung- Pakistan
  4. AAWU (All Afghan Women Union)- Afghanistan
  5. Action Aid International
  6. Action Canada for Population and Development- Canada
  7. Adéquations- France
  8. ADPDH- Mauritania
  9. Advocates for Youth and Health Development- Nigeria
  10. AEEFG- Tunisia
  11. African Indigenous Women’s Organization
  12. African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET)
  13. AIDS Accountability International
  14. Akahata-Equipo de Trabajo en Sexualidades y Géneros
  15. Akina Mama waAfrika( AMwA)- Uganda
  16. Alianza LAC juventudesrumbo a Cairo +20- Latin America and the Caribbean
  17. Alianzapor la Solidaridad
  18. American Jewish World Service- USA
  19. Anis – Institute of Bioethics, Human Rights and Gender (Brazil)
  20. ApnaGhar, Inc- USA
  21. Arab Women’s Organization- Jordan
  22. Arab Youth Network for SRHR
  23. ArticulaciónFeministaMarcosur- Latin America
  24. Articulación Regional Feminista- Latin America
  25. Articulación Regional de Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil de América Latina y el Caribe hacia Cairo más 20- Latin America and the Caribbean
  26. Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD)
  27. Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants- Hong Kong
  28. Asia Pacific Resource and Research Centre for Women (ARROW)
  29. Asia Pacific Women’s Watch (APWW)
  30. AsociaciónLatinoamericana de Población-ALAP
  31. Association Camerounaise pour la Prise en charge des PersonnesAgees- Cameroun
  32. Association for Liberty and Equality for Gender (ALEG)- Romania
  33. Association for Women’s Rights and Development (AWID)
  34. Association of War Affected Women
  35. ASTRA Network
  36. ATHENA Network
  37. Atria, institute on Gender Equality and Women’s History
  38. Aurora New Dawn
  39. Austrian Family Planning Association
  40. Aware Girls- Pakistan
  41. Balance, Promociónpara el desarrollo y la juventud- Mexico
  42. BanteaySrei- Cambodia
  43. Beyond Beijing Committee (BBC)- Nepal
  44. Black Sea Women’s Club- Ukraine
  45. Bougainville Women’s Federation- Papua New Guinea
  46. CamASEAN Youth’s Future (CamASEAN)- Cambodia
  47. Cameroon Indigenous Women’s Forum- Cameroon
  48. Campaña 28 de Septiembrepor la Despenalización del Aborto de América Latina y el Caribe
  49. CampañaporunaConvenciónInteramericana de los DerechosSexuales y Reproductivos
  50. Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network
  51. Canadian Network of Women’s Shelters and Transition Houses- Canada
  52. Caribbean Family Planning Association
  53. Caring Economy Campaign
  54. CatchAFyah Caribbean Feminist Network
  55. CBM- Europe
  56. Center for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
  57. Center for Encounter and active non-violence-Austria
  58. Center for Health and Gender Equity (CHANGE)- USA
  59. Center for Partnership Studies
  60. Center for Reproductive Rights
  61. Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL)
  62. Centre for Creative Initiatives in Health and Population (CCIHP)- Vietnam
  63. Centre for Health Education, Training and Nutrition Awareness (CHETNA)- India
  64. Centre for Human Rights and Climate Change Research
  65. Centro Feminista de Estudos e Assessoria: CFEMEA

66.     ChimkentWomenresource Center,  Kazakhstan

  1. Circle Connections- USA
  2. Círculo de Juventud Afrodescendiente de lasAméricas-CJAA
  3. Civic Initiatives Support Center
  4. CoaliciónCaribeñaPoblación y Desarrollo
  5. Coalición Contra el Tráfico de Mujeres y Niñas en América Latina y El Caribe
  6. CoaliciónNacional de SC hacia Cairo más 20
  7. Coaliciónpor la Salud de lasMujeres en México
  8. CoaliciónSalvadoreña de Mujeresrumbo a Cairo + 20
  9. Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR)
  10. Coalition of African Lesbians (CAL)
  11. COC Netherlands
  12. ComisiónNacional de SeguimientoMujeresporDemocracia, equidad y ciudadanía- CNSmujeres
  13. Comité de América Latina y El Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer- CLADEM
  14. Common Language- China
  15. Community Practitioners Platform- Guatemala
  16. Congo Men´s Network (COMEN)- Congo
  17. ConsejoLatinoamericano de Iglesias-CLAI
  18. ConsejoLatinoamericano y del Caribe de organizaciones no gubernamentales con servicio en VIH/SIDA- LACASSO
  19. ConsorcioLatinoamericano contra el abortoinseguro-CLACAI
  20. ConsorcioLatinoamericano de Anticoncpeción de Emergencia-CLAE
  21. Coordinación de Mujeres del Paraguay
  22. Coordinación Red FeministaCentroamericana contra la ViolenciahacialasMujeres-CEMUJER
  23. Coordinadora de la Mujer- Bolivia
  24. Corporación Centro de Apoyo popular –CENTRAP
  25. Corporación Humanas- Chile
  26. CREA- India
  27. Danish Socialdemocratic Youth- Denmark
  28. Danish Women´s Society- Denmark
  29. Darfur Women’s Association
  30. Darpana- India
    Citizens Resource and Action Initiative- India
  31. Day Ku Aphiwat (DKA)- Cambodia
  32. Democracy in Action
  33. Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era – DAWN
  34. Diverse Voices in Action for Equality (DIVA)- Fiji
  35. Drag it to the Top- Pakistan
  36. Dutch Council of Women- Netherlands
  37. East African Women
  38. Ecco-Accord- Russia
  39. Ecumenical, Multicultural Equity for Women in the Church Community–United States
  40. Education as Vaccine EVA- Nigeria
  41. Education International- Belgium
  42. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights- Egypt
  43. Ekta- India
  44. El Closet de Sor Juana- Mexico
  45. ELA- Argentina
  46. Ender- Solomon Islands
  47. Engender- South Africa
  48. Enlace Continental de MujeresIndígenas de lasAméricas
  49. EquisJusticia par alas Mujeres- Mexico
  50. EspacioIberoamericano de Juventud
  51. Faculty of Postgraduate Studies- University of Health Sciences, Laos
  52. Family Planning Association of Trinidad and Tobago- Trinidad and Tobago
  53. Fellowship of Reconciliation
  54. Feminist Approach to Technology- India

121.  Feminist League Almaty, Kazakhstan

122.  Feminist League Kokshetay, Kazakhstan

  1. Feminist Task Force
  2. Femmes Africa Solidarité
  3. Femmes et DroitsHumains- Mali
  4. FIAN International
  5. Fiji Women’s Rights Movement
  6. Fortress of Hope Africa- Kenya
  7. Forum of Women’s NGOs of Kyrgyzstan
  8. Fountain-ISOKO for Good Governance and Integrated Development- Burundi
  9. Friends of the Earth- Ukraine
  10. Fundación Guatemala
  11. Fundación Mexicana Para la Planificación Familiar- México
  12. FundaciónparaEstudio e Investigación de la Mujer (FEIM), Argentina
  13. Fundaciónpara la Formación de LíderesAfrocolombianosAfrolider- Colombia
  14. GADIP- Sweden
  15. Gather the Women
  16. GAYa NUSANTARA- Indonesia
  17. Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ)- Zimbabwe
  18. Gender and Development Network (GADN)- UK
  19. Genre deme So- Mali
  20. Genre en Action
  21. Gestos- HIV, Communication and Gender- Brazil
  22. Global Action on Aging
  23. Global Forrest Coalition
  24. Global Fund for Women
  25. Global Network of Women Peacebuilders
  26. GPPAC Western Balkans
  27. Graduate women association of the Netherlands, VVAO
  28. Gray Panthers- USA
  29. Greater New Orleans
  30. Grupo de Información en Reproducción Elegida- GIRE
  31. Grupo de Seguimiento a Cairo- Bolivia
  32. Grupo de Trabajo en Sexualidades y Géneros Argentina
  33. GrupoGénero y Macroeconomía de América Latina- GEMLAC
  34. GrupoInternacional de Mujeres y SIDA-IAWC International Community of Women living with HIV-AISD-
  35. Help Age International
  36. Huairou Commission
  37. Humanitarian Organization for Poverty Eradication (HOPE-PK)- Pakistan
  38. ICW Latina
  39. ILGA LAC
  40. INCRESE- Nigeria
  41. Indian Christian Women’s Movement- India
  42. Indian Women Theologians’ Forum- India
  43. Indigenous Information network and African Indigenous women’s organization- East Africa
  44. Initiative for the Elimination of Violence against Women and Children-Nigeria
  45. Institute for Science and Human Values, USA
  46. Institute of Human Rights Communication Nepal (IHRICON)
  47. Institutes for Women and Global Change- Costa Rica
  48. Instituto de Liderazgo Simone de Beauvoir- Mexico
  49. InstitutoQualivida
  50. InterAfrica Network for Women- FAMEDEV
  51. International Alliance of Women
  52. International Council on Social Welfare
  53. International Ecological Assosiation of Women of the Orient, Kazakhstan
  54. International Federation of Social Workers
  55. International Fellowship of Reconcilliation
  56. International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC), United States
  57. International Kontakt- Denmark
  58. International Lesbian and Gay Association- ILGA
  59. International Network for the Prevention of Elder Abuse
  60. International Planned Parenthood Federation-IPPF
  61. International Public Policy Institute
  62. International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)
  63. International Women’s Partnership for Peace and Justice (IWP)- Thailand
  64. International Women’s Development Agency- IWDA
  65. International Women’s Health Coalition- IWHC
  66. International Women´s Rights Project
  67. Ipas
  68. IraqiIndependentWomanOrganization (IIWO) / Iraq
  69. Isis International
  70. Italian Association for Women in Development (AIDOS)- Italy
  71. Italian Coordination of the European Womenìs Lobby / Lef-Italia
  72. IWRAW- Asia Pacific
  73. JAGORI- India
  74. Just Associates (JASS)
  75. KALYANAMITRA- Indonesia
  76. Kampuchea Women Welfare Association (KWWA)- Cambodia
  77. KULU- Women and Development- Denmark
  78. LANDESA
  79. Leadership for Environment and Development Southern and Eastern Africa- Malawi
  80. LeitanaNehan Women’s Development Agency, Autonomous Region of Bougainville, Papua New Guinea
  81. Lesbianas, Gays. Bisexuales, Trans e intersexuales de América Latina y El Carible
  82. LokChetnaVikas Kendra- LCVK India
  83. MADRE
  84. MahilaSarvangeenUtkarshMandal (MASUM), India
  85. Matrix Support Group- Lesotho
  86. Meditteranean Women’s Fund
  87. Men for Gender Equality, MfJ, Sweden
  88. Men’s Resources International
  89. MenEngage Alliance-Nepal
  90. Mesa de Vigilanciapor la Defensa de los DerechosSexuales y ReproductivosPerú
  91. Mesa Interinstitucional de Mujeres- Colombia
  92. Middle East and North Africa Partnership for Preventing of Armed Conflict (MENAPAC)
  93. Monfemnet- Mongolia
  94. MouvementFrançais pour le Planning Familial- France
  95. MovimientoLatinoamerica y del Caribe de MujeresPositivas, MLCM+
  96. Mujer y Salud Uruguay (MYSU)
  97. Multicultural Women Peace Makers Network
  98. Nansen Dialogue Centre-Serbia
  99. Nansen Dialogue Centre- Montenegro
  100. Naripokkho- Bangladesh
  101. National Alliance of Women’s Human Rights Defenders (NAWHRD)- Nepal
  102. National Council of Women- USA
  103. National Fisheries Solidarity Movement- India
  104. New Wineskins Feminist Ritual Community- USA
  105. NGO Gender Group- Myanmar
  106. Niger Delta Women’s movement for Peace and Development (NDWPD), Nigeria
  107. Non-Violence Network in theArabCountries
  108. Pacific Women’s Indigenous Network
  109. Pacific Youth Council
  110. Partners for Law and Development- India
  111. PermanentPeaceMovement (PPM)
  112. Permanent Peace Movement (PPM)- Lebanon
  113. Phoenix Women Take Back the Night
  114. PILIPINA Legal Resources Center, The Philippines
  115. PlataformaJuvenilSalvadoreñapor los derechossexuales y derechosreproductivos
  116. Platform Women & Sustainable Peace (Platform VDV)- Netherlands
  117. Polish Federation for Women and Family Planning (FEDERA)- Poland
  118. Popular Education Programme- South Africa
  119. Population Matters- UK
  120. Programme on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights- India
  121. Project Swarajya- India
  122. Promundo- Brasil
  123. Psychology, Trauma & Mindfulness Centre (PTMC), Australia
  124. PunangaTauturuInc (Cook Islands WomensCounselling Centre)
  125. Raimbow Identity Association-Botswana
  126. ReacciónClimática- Bolivia
  127. Realizing Sexual and Reproductive Justice-RESURJ
  128. Red Boliviana de Personas Viviendo con VIH (REDBOL)- Bolivia
  129. Red de Educación Popular entre Mujeres-REPEM
  130. Red de masculinidadpor la igualdad de género
  131. Red de mujeresAfrolatinoamericanas, Afrocaribeñas y de la Diáspora
  132. Red de MujeresTrabajadorasSexuales de Lationamerica y el Caribe-REDTRASEX
  133. Red de Salud de lasMujeresLatinoamericanas y El Caribe- RSMLAC
  134. Red Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Juventudespor los derechossexuales y reproductivos REDLAC
  135. Red Latinoamericanas de Católicaspor el Derecho a Decidir -CDD
  136. Red Mundial de Mujerespor los DerechosReproductivos
  137. Red Nacional de Jóvenes y Adolescentespara la Salud Sexual y Reproductiva (RedNac)- Argentina
  138. Regional Centre for Dalit Studies, INDIA
  139. REPEM COLOMBIA
  140. RethinkingHealthMatters
  141. Réussirl’égalité Femmes-hommes (REFH)- France
  142. Rights for All Women (RAW)- Denmark
  143. RMMDR Red Nacional de Jóvenes y Adolescentespor la Salud Sexual y Reproductiva- Argentina
  144. ROZAN- Pakistan
  145. Rural Women National Association RWNA-Romania
  146. Rural Women Peace Link- Kenya
  147. SAHAYOG- India
  148. Salamander Trust- UK
  149. Sci-Tech Service Center for Rurua Women in China
  150. Secular Women
  151. ServiciosEcumenicosparaReconciliacion y Reconstruccion –SERR
  152. ShirkatGah- Pakistan
  153. SíMujer – Nicaragua
  154. SILAKA, Cambodia
  155. Smart Women’s Community- Japan
  156. South Asian Feminist Alliance (SAFA)- Afghanistan
  157. South Asian Women’s Centre
  158. Space Allies- Japan
  159. Spiritual Alliance to Stop Intimate Violence
  160. Sri Lanka Women’s NGO Forum- Sri Lanka
  161. SUGRAMA- India
  162. Support for Women in Agriculture and Environment (SWAGEN)- Uganda
  163. SUTRA (Social Uplift Through Rural Action)- India
  164. SWADHINA- India
  165. Swedish Association for Sexuality Education (RFSU) – Sweden
  166. Taller Salud – Puerto Rico
  167. TARSHI (Talking About Reproductive and Sexual Health Issues)- India
  168. TheMiddle East and North AfricaPartnershipforPreventing of ArmedConflict (MENAPAC)
  169. The YP Foundation- India
  170. Third World Network
  171. TIYE International- The Netherlands
  172. Triangle Project- South Africa
  173. UNGASS AIDS Forum on Sexual and Reproductive Rights
  174. Unite Women New York
  175. United and Strong- St. Lucia
  176. United Federation of Danish Workers, Center for Equality and Diversity- Denmark
  177. Vision Spring Initiatives- Nigeria
  178. Voice for Change- South Sudan
  179. Voluntary Health Association- India
  180. WAR Against Rape- Pakistan
  181. We are Enough- USA
  182. WIDE- Network for Women’s Rights and Feminist Perspectives in Development- Austria
  183. WIDE+ European Network around women’s rights and development
  184. Widows for Peace through Democracy
  185. Wo=Men Dutch Gender Platform- the Netherlands
  186. Womankind Worldwide
  187. Women Against Nuclear Power- Finland
  188. Women for Peace and Development- Kenya
  189. Women for Peace in the Moluccas
  190. Women for Peace in the Moluccas (VrouwenvoorVrede op de Molukken)- Netherlands
  191. Women for Peace- Germany
  192. Women for Peace- Netherlands
  193. Women for Women´s Human Rights, New Ways (WWHR)-Turkey
  194. Women House Development Center- Palestine
  195. Women in Europe for a Common Future (WECF)- Netherlands
  196. Women in Law and Development in Africa / Femmes, Droit et Développement en Afrique
  197. Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET)- West Africa
  198. Women Power Connect- India
  199. Women Sport International
  200. Women to Women Ministries
  201. Women Waking the World
  202. Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR)
  203. Women’s Grassroots Congress, WGC, United States of America
  204. Women’s Legal and Human Rights Bureau (WLB) – Philippines
  205. Women’s Coalition- Turkey
  206. Women’s Earth and Climate Change Caucus
  207. Women’s Environment and Development Organization (WEDO)
  208. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)
  209. Women’s Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC)- Nepal
  210. Women’s School for Healing Arts and Sciences- USA
  211. Women’s Solidarity- Austria
  212. Women Sport International
  213. Women’s Workers Union- India
  214. Women´s Media Colective- Sri Lanka
  215. Women´s Peacemakers Program (WPP)- Netherlands
  216. World Student Christian Federation in Europe (WSCF-E)- Germany
  217. World Young Women’s Christian Association (WYWCA)
  218. YouAct: European Youth Network on Sexual and Reproductive Rights
  219. Young Women´s Leadership Institute- Kenya
  220. Youth Coalition for Sexual and Reproductive Rights
  221. Yunnan Health and Development Research Association (YHDRA)- China

بيان تضامني ضد الإساءة في الدكوانة

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بيان تضامن مع مطالب العدالة ضد الإساءة والإهانة للأجساد غير النمطية من قبل بلدية الدكوانة، لبنان

لقد احتج العديد من الناس ضد الظلم الذي مارسته بلدية الدكوانة يوم السبت الماضي في ٢٠ نيسان ٢٠١٣. أنطوان شختورة، رئيس بلدية الدكوانة، أمر قوى الأمن الداخلي بمداهمة وإغلاق ناد يرتاده أشخاص ذي أنواع اجتماعية وتوجهات جنسية غير نمطية. أمرت قوى الأمن الداخلي لإجراء عملية اختطاف تعسفية داخل صناديق سياراتهم الأمنية واعتدوا وأذلوا 4 أشخاص، من بينهم/ن من أجبرت على خلع ملابسها أمام رجال قوى الأمن الداخلي في مقر بلدية الدكوانة وبإشراف رئيس البلدية وذلك “للتحقق من كون المرأة رجلا أو امرأة”. وقد أخذ رجال شرطة البلدية صورا بإشراف السيد شختورة وجرى توزيعها على وسائل الإعلام. أنطوان شختورة، رئيس بلدية الدكوانة، أعلن قراره بشكل صارخ، لاعتقال وإذلال وتعيير المتحولين جنسيا ونكر بشدة إجرامية أفعاله وأفعال البلدية و قال:

“لقد خلعنا ملابسهم، في مكتبنا، في مركز البلدية، بالطبع. ويجب أن نعلم. رأينا أمرا فضائحيا يحصل، ولذلك كان علينا أن نعلم، ما الأمر؟ الفجور في الشوارع العامة… نعم… ولكن هل هي امرأة أم رجل؟ لا، اتضح أنها نصف امرأة ونصف رجل”.

ووقع الاعتداء بالتوازي مع قرار بلدي حديث لفرض حظر التجول بدءا من الساعة السابعة مساءً بحق السوريين والسوريات الذين واللواتي يعيشون ويعشن في الدكوانة.

هذه الاعتقالات والاحتجاز غير القانوني، والإهانة وتحرش رجال الشرطة تمثل تسعفا في استعمال السلطة، وتعميما لعنف أمني، واعتداءً إجرامياً. كما ندرك كراهية الن الواضحة في أفعال وأقوال السيد شختورة من خلال دوره في النظام البطريركي، لضبط واستقصاء ومن خلال الدور الجندري للشرطة من جهة، بهدف ضبط ومعاقبة أي خروج عن هذه الأدوار الجندرية من جهة أخرى. كما نشهد على كراهية النساء المتأصلة في هذا الاعتداء، حيث وصف شختورة “خلع ملابس” رجل كامرأة ورفاقه كأمر بغيض وجنائي وهجوم على “قلعة الصمود للدكوانة”.

وتتخذ البلديات في لبنان قرارات تستحق الشجب وهي مسألة متنامية وتبعث على القلق، وقد اتخذت بلديات لبنانية، ومن بينها بلدية الدكوانة، على عاتقها فرض دولة بوليسية تقمع حرية التنقل للسوريين والمهاجرين في لبنان، مع تسجيل العديد من اعتداءات الشرطة والتشدد العنفي حيالهم.

أنطوان شختورة لديه السلطة والموارد الأجهزة الأمنية لفرض جو من رهاب المتحولين جنسيا على الأخلاق. وليس من اختصاص قوى الأمن الداخلي أن تجرد الناس بالقوة من ملابسها وتفحص أعضائها الجنسية، وإنه أمر يستدعي الشجب أن تشعر بلدية الدكوانة أن لها الحق لتصوير ونشر صور لأجساد الأشخاص المعتدى عليهم/ن ولأعضائهم/ن الجنسية، الأمر الذي نعتبره اعتداءً للذاتية الجنسية، أي اغتصاب. هذا السلوك يشكل اعتداء إجراميا من جانب بلدية الدكوانة وبشكل مباشر، رئيسها السيد شختورة. لقد أصبح واضحا منذ وقوع الحادث أن السيد شختورة يستهدف بطريقة استراتيجية الأفراد الذين لا يتمتعون بدعم سياسي، كاللاجئين السوريين وأشخاص ذي أنواع اجتماعية غير نمطية والطبقة العاملة، في محاولة منه لتأكيد سلطته تمهيدا للانتخابات البلدية المقبلة.

نحن ندرك الصلات العميقة والتشابه بين تجارب شعوبنا في جنوب الكرة الأرضية ونحتج بشدة ضد القرارات والسلوك المعادي للمتحولين جنسيا الذي قامت به السلطات المنتخبة وقوى الأمن الداخلي واضطهاد المتحولين جنسيا والعمال الأجانب كأداة سياسية. ونطالب القضاء اللبناني أن لا تتساهل إزاء الاضطهاد غير المشروع والتعسف في استعمال السلطة التي ارتكبها السيد شختورة وبلديته وأيضا نحث سكان الدكوانة الضغط بهدف إقالة السيد شختورة من منصبه.

إن الموقعين/ات على هذا البيان يرفضون ويرفضن ويدينون ويدنّ كل شكل من أشكال العنف الذي تمارسه السلطة من خلال الوحشية التي تمارسها الشرطة، وتتغاضى عنها السلطة، عبر اعتدائها على الحريات الاجتماعية والسياسية والجسدية. هذا الاعتداء يشكل استمرارا لوحشية الشرطة والتعسف في استعمال السلطة والاعتداءات الإجرامية والاغتصاب. فالشرطة اللبنانية اعتدت على الاستقلالية الجنسية ل٣٦ عامل في سينما بلازا في منطقة النبعة من خلال إجبارهم على الخضوع لفحوصات شرجية (اختبار المثلية الجنسية جرى التنديد به من قبل نقابة الأطباء)، الاعتداء على المهاجرين الأجانب في منطقة الدورة على يد قوى الأمن الداخلي، والاعتداء على متظاهرين سياسيين أمام السفارة المصرية في كانون الثاني 2010 والاعتداء على ناشطين من جمعية شمل خلال اعتصامهم المطالب بقانون مدني للزواج أمام مبنى مجلس النواب اللبناني، كما الهجمة الشرسة، التي بقيت دون حل، والتي شنها أعضاء في الحزب السوري القومي الاجتماعي على ناشطين سياسيين في منطقة الحمرا، وفي المرحلة الحالية الاعتداء على أجساد المتحولين جنسيا من قبل رئيس البلدية السيد شختورة، والهجوم على عاملات الجنس خلال برنامج “إنت حر” التلفزيوني. ندعو السلطة اللبنانية إلى إدانة جميع أشكال الانتهاكات على الحريات الاجتماعية والسياسية والجسدية ووقف إباحته لانتهاكه سيادة القانون.

ونحن نحيي كل الأفراد (في هذه الحالة المتحولين جنسيا والسوريين) الذين يعيشون تحت التهديد اليومي من الاعتداءات الجسدية والكلامية والعنف الممنهج ونشيد بالمؤسسة اللبنانية للإعلام(LBC) لفضحها إجرام بلدية الدكوانة ومطالبتها المستمرة بتحقيق العدالة. ونحن هنا ندعو إلى وحدة المجتمع المدني اللبناني والحركات الناشطة لتنظيم جماعيا حول تزايد حالات انتهاكات الشرطة، والعنف والوحشية والتجاوزات غير المعاقبة بواسطة المسؤولين الرسميين.

ملاحظة إلى الموقعين/الموقعات
نشكركم/نشكركن على تبنيكم/تبنيكن لهذا البيان تضامنا مع مطالب العدالة ضد الاعتداء والتردي ضد الأجساد غير النمطية من قبل بلدية الدكوانة. ونحن نحثكم/ نحثكن على نشر هذا البيان في منظماتكم/ منظماتكن ومعارفكم/معارفكن وأن تعملوا/تعملن على إيصاله إلى وسائل الإعلام والانضمام إلى حملة الحشد الجماهيري في لبنان وعالم الجنوب في السعي لتحقيق العدالة.
الرجاء تسجيل بريدكم/ بريدكن الالكتروني: solidarity.lebanon@gmail.com

Endorsements

VISION, Pakistan

Mideast Youth, Bahrain

Balance Promoción para el Desarrollo y Juventud, México

Nasawiya, Lebanon

Women for Women’s Human Rights (WWHR),  Turkey

Take Back Parliament, Lebanon

Realizing Sexual and Reproductive Justice (RESURJ), International

Anti-Racism Movement, Lebanon

Kaos Gay and Lesbian Cultural Research and Solidarity Association (Kaos GL), Turkey

Women Living Under Muslim Laws, International

Lebanese LGBT Media Monitor, Lebanon

Lebanese Medical Association for Sexual Health, Lebanon

المنتدى الاشتراكي، لبنان