An Advocacy Brief: Post 2015 Development Agenda, Climate Change, and Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights

Post-2015 Women's Coalition-CC-SRHRSeptember 2015 

This Advocacy Brief by the Post-2015 Women’s Coalition explores connections between climate change and sexual health and reproductive rights, as a key concern for the adoption and implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development at the national levels.

From the introduction: “…Human rights, including sexual and reproductive rights, will be adversely impacted if swift action is not taken to mitigate the human impact of climate change. Climate change also has significant impact on human health. It puts pressures on the fundamental requirements of good health, clean air, safe drinking water, adequate sanitation and sufficient food. As the world continues to experience incremental yet unpredictable climate change, the inter-linkages with sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) is an emerging issue that needs to be addressed in the context of sustainable development. This brief will consider how climate change will affect universal access to SRHR and that the implications have profound ramifications for the new developmental era.”

Read here the full Advocacy Brief: Post-2015 Development Agenda, Climate Change, and Sexual Reproductive Health & Rights

September 28: Global Day of Action for Access to Safe & Legal Abortion

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Today, September 28th, is the global day of action for access to safe and legal abortion! An international campaign by the Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WNGRR) and partners around the globe is working to #BustTheMyths surrounding abortion stigma.

See the campaign website with more campaign materials & resources here: http://www.september28.org/.

 

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The Remaking of Tradition: Sex, Lies & Politics (IFJ, Vol.3, 2015)

IFJ-Vol3-Aug2015In this third edition, Indonesian Feminist Journal (IJF) presents a wide array of the work of several Indonesia´s feminist thinkers on the interplay between the traditional practices, politics, and women´s rights. Traces of cultural practices, tradition, custom and informal laws are still ubiquitous in the modern Indonesian society.

The dangers of some traditional practices, such as forced marriage, virginity tests, female genital mutilation or circumcision, and others, are even practiced in cities claimed to be more modern.

In November 2014, Indonesia was taken aback by the Police Department requiring virginity tests for female police recruits. Globally, female circumcision is still pervasive in many parts of the world. This and other similar cultural practices constitute a significant number of death causes in girls of Africa, and Central and South Asia. Almost all religions in the world are not yet free from the traces of practices that endanger the lives of children, women and sexual minorities.

To combat these harmful customs, UN Human Rights Committee has stated that, given the morals grow out of many social, philosophical and religious traditions, the freedom from cultural values, traditions and customs protecting morals must be based on principles that protect universality of human rights and are not derived from a single tradition (ICCPR, November 13, 2012).

To the contrary of the UN conclusions, religious and cultural rights are generally expressed as collective and communal, and then, at some point, these rights become unfriendly and uncaring to women and other vulnerable groups. Primacy of individual rights is suspected as something smelling “western” and not compatible with the conditions in Indonesia. At the same time, Indonesia adopts a system of laws and democracy upholding human rights and the CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women).

Download:

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ABOUT: Indonesian Feminist Journal (IFJ) is an annual interdisciplinary publication in the English language that aims to circulate original ideas in gender studies. IFJ invites critical reflection on the theory and practice of feminism in the social, political, and economic contexts of the Indonesian society. We are committed to exploring gender in its multiple forms and interrelationships.

The journal encourages practical, theoretically sound, and (when relevant) empirically rigorous manuscripts that address real-world implications of the gender gap in Indonesian contexts. Topics related to feminism can include (but are not limited to): sexuality, LGBT questions, trafficking, ecology, public policy, sustainability and environment, human and labour rights/issues, governance, accountability and transparency, globalisation, as well as ethics, and specific issues related to gender study, such as diversity, poverty, and education.

IFJ is published by JURNAL PEREMPUAN, the first Indonesian feminist journal established in 1996. If you wish to learn more about the Jurnal Perempuan, please visit our History page, or go directly to Jurnal Perempuan webpage in the Indonesian language.

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See Indonesian Feminist Journal’s Archive for other Editions, all open-source: http://www.indonesianfeministjournal.org/archive.html?

 

Guidebook Aims to Change how the Media Cover LGBT Issues

14 September 2015
By : Ayunda Nurvitasari

Modul Panduan Media Meliput LGBT

When it comes to issues related to homosexuality, or what is now known by its shorthand LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender), the Indonesian mainstream media are still largely behind the times, if not completely inappropriate.

Reports are either judgemental, tinged with religious-bias, or sensationalized. They tend to make fun of LGBT people, portraying the exoticism, or even depicting homosexuals as predators.

This is the reason why the Ardhanary Institute, Hivos-Roses and Jurnal Perempuan issued a guidebook for the media on covering LGBT-related issues. The Modul Panduan Media Meliput LGBT was launched on Sept. 5 in Casakhasa Garden Bistro in Jakarta. This guidebook is aimed at helping journalists, filmmakers, scriptwriters, and other media workers to produce their works with a fair attitude towards LGBT people.

Sri Agustine of the Ardhanary Institute said the media are still prone to labelling, stereotyping, and stigmatizing the LGBT people in their coverage. For example, she said, if a crime case has an LGBT person as a suspect, although the crime itself has nothing to do with sexual orientation, the news tends to emphasize on the person’s homosexuality and gender expression rather than the case itself.

The guidebook addresses this tendency to fixate on the Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, Expressions, and Bodies (SOGIEB) that is irrelevant to the issue.

Page 35 of the book says: “It’s wrong to imply or allow other people to have an impression that there’s a relation between sexual/gender identity and criminal activity. Both heterosexuals and LGBT people may commit crimes, but to leave an impression that LGBT people are doing criminal activity because they are LGBT is a form of defamation.”

The claim that LGBT people are sexual predators or violent is neither entirely wrong nor entirely correct because anybody can be that way, but the point is it has nothing to do with sexual orientation and gender identity. Even if it’s relevant, the media coverage should lean on factual evidence rather than baseless assumptions, she said.

During the book launch, Agustine moderated a discussion led by Hartoyo from the LGBT website Suara Kita, Luviana from the Independent Journalist Alliance (AJI), Ade Armando from the Communication Faculty of University of Indonesia, and Gadis Arivia from feminist publication Jurnal Perempuan.

Hartoyo recalled the time when Suara Kita was blocked by the Ministry of Information (Kemeninfo), because it was deemed not educational, though the ministry never explained the basis of this evaluation.

Luviana says the problem with the media’s tendency to link LGBT issue to religion is that it further sharpens the division, pitting LGBT people against the anti-LGBT religious figures.

“It doesn’t always have to be that way,” she said, “the media should look for religious representatives with a fresh perspective about LGBT to lessen discriminations.”

Ade Armando acknowledged the important role religion plays in Indonesia.

“If religions teach that homosexuality is condemned by God – not only ‘haram’ but also dangerous – it will influence people’s initial attitude, “ he said.

“We may learn from (Muslim scholar) Musdah Mulia, to understand that God doesn’t hate LGBT people. God loves LGBT people. It is important to write with sensitivity and really understand the current situation of LGBT people in Indonesia who have been living with discrimination and under oppression,” he added.

By emphasizing on sensationalism, the media cannot have a fair attitude towards LGBT people. Gadis Arivia cited an example of a headline news story on a corruption case that highlights the sexual orientation of the suspect by writing the word “lesbian” in capital letters. She reminded the journalists of the importance of ethics and credibility when producing work of journalism.

“Understand how influential a discourse is in affecting the way people think. It’s best that media and journalists go back to basics: accountability, factuality, and honesty,” she added.

Ade said that improving the media’s portrayal of LGBT people must embrace popular culture, as well, including talkshows, movies, songs, soap operas and many more. All of these involve not only journalists and scriptwriters, but also editors, sponsors, advertisement, and many more – all of which may complicate the process of change.

He suggested educating everyone who works in the media. People in the media need to understand that they have the power to influence public perception, so they must be educated on the issue. They must continue to be criticized so they are aware of the injustice that is in place against LGBT people.

“Of course, it is not easy to clear the prejudice, stigma, and stereotype about LGBT people, but I believe that it’s not impossible. It takes time to make people sympathize and empathize, until finally enlightened that we are all equal. But it’s not impossible,” he added.

Reposted from: Magdalene

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For more details, the Table of Contents, and ordering information see Jurnal Perempuan’s Newsletter.

 

HIV and SRHR: Visions, Voices, and Priorities of Young People living with and most affected by HIV

A report released in March 2015 by the Link Up project HIV & SRHR: Youth Visions, Voices and Prioritiesdocuments & amplifies youth visions, voices and priorities from Bangladesh, Burundi, Ethiopia, Myanmar and Uganda on how we can address HIV and Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights. Download the report here: http://www.aidsalliance.org/our-priorities/current-projects/28-link-up.

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As the global community defines a new post-2015 development agenda, including the voices and visions of young people must be a priority. In this report, young people from around the world living with and most affected by HIV champion their vision for realizing and claiming their sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and setting their priorities for HIV and SRHR integration.

The Link Up project, launched by a consortium of global and national partners in early 2013, is an ambitious three-year initiative that seeks to advance the SRHR of more than one million young people in five countries. Link Up distinctively works with young people most affected by HIV aged 10 to 24 years old, with a specific focus on young men who have sex with men, young people who do sex work, young people who use drugs, young transgender people, and young women and men living with HIV. It also seeks to amplify the voices of these young people through community mobilization and advocacy in national and global forums, particularly those informing the post-2015 development framework.

As partners in the consortium implementing Link Up, Global Youth Coalition on HIV/AIDS (GYCA) and ATHENA Network led a consultation with young people living with and most affected by HIV. Nearly 800 people from every region of the world responded to a global online survey that collected quantitative and qualitative data in five languages, and over 400 young people participated in a series of community dialogues and focus groups with national partners in Bangladesh, Burundi, Ethiopia, Myanmar and Uganda. These face-to-face dialogues created a platform for young people living with and most affected by HIV to share their lived experiences of and hope for: accessing HIV and SRH services, including family planning and contraceptives; participating in decision-making both in their personal lives and in programming and policy; and, their vision for realizing their sexual and reproductive rights.

In this document we share their voices directly, to inform clear and evidence-based advocacy messaging that can guide both global and national post-2015 negotiations, and national and regional-level programming.

Not A Crime

“Not a Crime” is a comic by Malaysian cartoonist, animator and illustrator Kazimir Lee, on the persecution and resistance of mak nyah in Malaysia.

Kazimir Lee - Not A Crime
The comic documents the arrest of 17 trans women at a wedding in June 2014, under Section 66 of the Sharia Criminal Enactment that declared ‘crossdressing’ an offence. In November 2014, a landmark ruling by the Malaysian Federal Court struck down Section 66 as unconstitutional, particularly in relation to violating freedom of expression.

Full comic available on Kazimir Lee’s website here.

Imagine a Feminist Internet

CSBR is excited to join the Association for Progressive Communications (APC)’s ongoing creative conversation that asks us to #ImagineAFeministInternet. #imagineafeministinternet

The first Global Meeting on Gender, Sexuality, & the Internet was held in May 2014 in Malaysia, and “brought together 50 participants from six continents comprising gender and women’s rights activists, LGBTQI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans* and intersex) movements, internet and technology rights organizations, and human rights advocates. The goal of the meeting was to bridge the gap between feminist movements and internet rights movements and look at intersections and strategic opportunities to work together as allies and partners.

The existing discourse around gender and the internet tends to focus on gender components lacking in polices that govern the internet, violations that take place as a result, and the need for increased women’s participation in decision-making forums. In a bid to reframe the conversation, the Global Meeting used a collaborative process to ask the question: ‘As feminists, what kind of internet do we want, and what will it take for us to achieve it?’” [1]

One key outcome of that meeting was the development of an evolving set of 15 Feminist Principles of the Internet, distilled from 3 days of collective conversations.

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The 2nd follow-up meeting is being held in Port Dickson, Malaysia, from July 22 – 24th. See more details from the re-post from APC’s website below, by Flavia Fascendi for APCNoticias.

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By Flavia Fascendini for APCNoticias

PERGAMINO, Argentina, 17 July 2015

The second Imagine a Feminist Internet meeting organised by the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) will take place in Malaysia on 22-24 July 2015, as a continuation of the space opened in 2014, where over 50 participants from women’s rights, sexual rights and internet rights organisations discussed and explored intersections of gender, sexuality and technology.

The Feminist Principles of the Internet gathered together agreements from the 2014 meeting and from a Twitter conversation held before the event, and offered a framework to articulate how we imagine the internet as a public space that is safe, engaging, open, free, and conducive to feminist movements. The principles bring attention to five key areas of engagement:

  • Agency and autonomy
  • Digital access
  • Economy
  • Expression
  • Movements and public participation.

This year, a group of 45 activists, researchers, academics and techies are meeting again in Malaysia to deepen the discussion around feminism and technology. They will be tweeting on #imagineafeministinternet and we invite you to participate in the conversation by engaging with the hashtag and following@takebackthetech.

Here are some of the key questions we invite you to explore with us:

Access

How can we talk about internet access in a way that locates it within existing social, economic, political and cultural contexts?

How can we guarantee more applicable digital security tools for women in rural areas who have limited internet access?

What are the challenges that privatisation of internet access raises for connectivity for all?

How do we address the exploitation of “saving girls and women from poverty” rhetoric that is upholding further privatisation of internet access and platforms?

Beyond the conversation on access, what does feminist design and usage of technology look like?

Agency and autonomy

How does misogyny manifest on the internet beyond just Twitter trolls and how are women and queers responding to such forms of abuse?

Is the discussion on online misogyny leaving out the experiences of women from the global South?

What does it mean for us to be safe online, as individuals or groups? What are the threats?

How is surveillance, a historic tool of patriarchy, affecting our bodies, lives and activism today?

How do we frame children’s rights to healthy sexual exploration and positive sex education on the internet we have today?

How are feminists engaging with the question of consent on the internet?

Economy

How has the internet affected the gendered economy of migration and labour?

What is digital capital and how is data ownership affecting our struggle for economic justice?

How has the internet disrupted or reinforced capitalist frameworks?

What does it take to make an internet where girls are creators of tech, not just consumers?

How do feminists engage with the movement for free and open source software?

Expression

Is the internet enabling greater diversity of sexual expression or increasing opportunities for the policing of sexuality?

Is the take-down of content that is violent against women a form of censorship?

How has the internet facilitated or restricted the proliferation of feminist expression online?

Who is drawing the line between legitimate and illegitimate sexual expression? How do we understand feminist pornography?

What’s the deal with real name policies and the anti-anonymity rhetoric?

Has technology impacted the constructions of masculinity/femininity/transgenderism?

Movements and public participation

How has the internet facilitated feminist and queer movements of the global South? Are its public spaces dominated by particular forms of activism?

What sort of trends do we see in anti-feminist movements using the internet today?

Should feminists engage with influencing the policies of private companies?

How has the internet shifted the way we understand power, politics and agency? What new nodes of power does it facilitate?

How do we support the capacity of queer and women’s movements to move beyond ICTs for social change and towards a more political engagement with internet governance?

Do you have something to say on these issues? Share your analysis and thoughts on how you imagine a feminist internet and join the conversation on Twitter!

Follow the Storify and watch how this conversation develops! You can also take a peek at last year’s conversation.

Know more about the Feminist Principles of the Internet

The FPIs are a tool for feminist, women’s and queer movements to articulate and explore issues related to technology. Over the past year, the Feminist Principles have been used to build the case for a free, open and gender-just internet in both women’s rights and internet rights spaces globally, including at the Internet Governance Forum (IGF), the Human Rights Council, the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), the ArabIGF, and the African School on Internet Governance. Groups have also taken this work local, organising around the principles in Bosnia and Herzegovina, India, Indonesia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, among other countries. The development of the Feminist Principles of the Internet also created a significant shift in the ability to articulate and advocate for gender and sexual justice online for those involved in its production.

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Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Rights in Iran: Analysis from Religious, Social, Legal and Cultural Perspectives

(NEW YORK) – On Tuesday, July 14, the International Gay and Lesbian LGBTRightsInIran-1Human Rights
Commission (IGLHRC) releases a collection of eight articles that offer innovative and provocative approaches to advance acceptance and improve understanding of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community of Iran. With contributions from prominent international activists, lawyers and scholars from IGLHRC’s second conference held in Düsseldorf, Germany in 2014, the collection, “Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Rights in Iran: Analysis from Religious, Social, Legal and Cultural Perspectives,” examines human rights for LGBT Iranians from legal, religious and socio-political perspectives, analyses and interpretations.

The publication includes a selection of the proceedings from the 2014 conference and is available in both English and Persian.

“This publication demonstrates the incredibly dynamic and layered approach of LGBT rights defenders in Iran,” said Jessica Stern, IGLHRC’s executive director. “We believe the wealth of information provided will raise new possibilities for Iranian LGBT activists and allies and provide a better understanding of the ongoing struggles of the community for those working in international solidarity.”

Among those who contributed to the publication are attorneys Mehrangiz Kar, Hossein Raeesi, and Mehri Jafari, who wrote legal papers about LGBT rights in Iran. Drs. Arash Naraghi and Mehrdad Alipour, both scholars, provided in-depth analyses of Islam and homosexuality. Rights activist Zeynab Alsadat Peyghambarzadeh and attorney Mani Mostofi presented papers that address the socio-political conditions for the Iranian LGBT community.

Mehrangiz Kar, a prominent Iranian lawyer and a human rights activist who attended the conference, said: “In the Dusseldorf gathering, we explored different aspects of sexual non-conformity. Through exchanging ideas from philosophical, religious, cultural, and human rights perspectives, we demonstrated that same-sex relationships existed as long as history can remember, although in recent years this subject has entered into policy-making and the theoretical sphere.”

Since 2012, IGLHRC’s Iran program has developed resources in Persian to help the LGBT community in Iran and their allies to advocate for basic rights and to promote greater understanding about sexual orientation and gender identity.

Dusseldorf2015“IGLHRC’s latest publication is a great addition to the growing number of Iran-related resources that we have developed over the past few years both in Persian and English,” said Hossein Alizadeh, IGLHRC’s Middle East and North Africa program coordinator, “IGLHRC’s publications in Persian are meant to counter the widespread censorship by the Iranian government on sexual orientation and same-sex relations. Our resources in Persian cover a wide variety of issues, from media training on LGBT rights for Iranian broadcasters to legal analysis for lawyers defending clients charged with same-sex activities.”

IGLHRC’s conference in Germany was hailed by participants as a significant opportunity to advance rights in Iran. “It has been a wonderful and very beneficial conference for me,” said Mehri Jafari, an Iranian-British lawyer and a long-time advocate for LGBT rights in Iran. “The chance to expose different ideas and research directions among experts was unique and highly valuable.”

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Download the publication in English here

Download the publication in Farsi here.

The Road from Antipinkwashing Activism to the Decolonization of Palestine

The Road from Antipinkwashing Activism to the Decolonization of Palestine
by: Lynn Darwich, Haneen Maikey

In lieu of an abstract, here is an excerpt from the text: 

The Combahee River Collective Statement (1977) articulates a firm stand against sexism in movements for Black liberation and racism in white women’s movements in the United States. It is a compelling and inspiring call by Black feminists to dismantle interlocking sociopolitical and economic systems of oppression, namely capitalism, imperialism, racism, and patriarchy. The statement reflects a tense political moment in which a set of principles for consciousness-raising and political engagement are discerned for the sake of the liberation of all oppressed people. Oppressions experienced by Black women, and lesbians in particular, are centered in the statement, especially, says the Combahee River Collective, as “the most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else’s oppression.” Now, more than four decades later, anchoring one’s political work in personal and collective experiences of oppression is as relevant and meaningful.

In our own organizing toward the decolonization of Palestine, and with the rise of antipinkwashing activism, both nationalist and identity-based forms of political organizing have continually been questioned and contested for their inherent limitations in forging strong coalitional politics. After all, antipinkwashing activism did not emerge within a vacuum but as a response to Israel’s use of gay culture and rights to distract from and normalize Israeli occupation, settler colonialism, and apartheid. It is at the intersection of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer movements and the Palestine solidarity movement. Before antipinkwashing, these two movements had rarely been perceived as ones that could potentially connect or interact. As a result of this binary understanding, antipinkwashing has been formulated as a new form of organizing, a new tactic, aimed to reform both movements: adding a bit of “solidarity” to LGBT movements and a little “gayness” to Palestine solidarity work. But is the task of antipink-washing activism to politicize LGBT movements, or is antipinkwashing an attempt to queer up Palestine solidarity movements? In other words, does antipinkwashing have the potential to expand beyond these limitations and become, not a reformist, but a radically transformative strategy?

Nearly four years have passed since the launch of antipinkwashing campaigns the world over. Since then, we’ve seen pro-Israel organizations counterattack with much anticipated allegations of anti-Semitism and racism, we’ve witnessed organized efforts against Israeli pinkwashing from an antiwar/antiracism lens, and we’ve also taken note that many LGBT activists and groups have integrated antipinkwashing within the framework of international gay solidarity activism. Aside from Palestinian Queers for BDS (pqbds.com) and alQaws (alqaws.org), both in Palestine, and a network of Arab activists, mainly through Pinkwatching Israel (pinkwatchingisrael.com), most initiatives have sprung within the global North. Antipinkwashing activism has rapidly become a striking and tense embodiment of all the questions that could emerge (or rather erupt) from the nexus of sexualized, gendered, and racialized politics within a modern gay transnational solidarity movement.

In light of emerging politics of solidarity and our inherently different positionalities, would it be useful to assume that everyone in this movement is here for the same reasons and is fighting for the same cause? Does “gayness” charge our activism, and if yes, toward what, and how? The Combahee River Collective Statement, for example, contextualizes and centers Black lesbian sexuality within wider movements in order to disrupt the heterosexism, racism, and economic oppressions circulating in those movements. Sexual orientations, however, in their contemporary depoliticized and neoliberal forms, cannot but narrow and limit antipinkwashing as a transnational solidarity movement. Framing antipinkwash activism through the familiar mainstream LGBT lens does not work: sexual orientations and gender identities cannot be the sole driving forces through which we relate to antipinkwashing efforts, especially as this takes away the focus from the central issue of Palestine. This is because pinkwashing in itself relies heavily on the logic of “gay rights” as it is commonly understood and practiced—a single-issue struggle based on one’s sexual identity to the exclusion of a range of interconnected categories of identification, such as race, ethnicity, class, gender, nation, and so on. It reinforces the isolation of gay identities and conceals the structural inequalities that make certain (Jewish, Israeli) bodies…

Full text available from: WSQ: Women’s Studies Quarterly, Volume 42, Numbers 3-2, Fall/Winter 2014, pp. 281-285 | 10.1353/wqs.2014.0057

From Antipinkwashing to Decolonization of Palestine

 

Sufi Narratives of Intimacy: Ibn ‘Arabī, Gender, and Sexuality

SufiNarrativesIntimacyCoverThirteenth-century Sufi poet, mystic, and legal scholar Muhyi al-Din ibn al-‘Arabi gave deep and sustained attention to gender as integral to questions of human existence and moral personhood.

Reading his works through a critical feminist lens, Sa’diyya Shaikh opens fertile spaces in which new and creative encounters with gender justice in Islam can take place. Grounding her work in Islamic epistemology, Shaikh attends to the ways in which Sufi metaphysics and theology might allow for fundamental shifts in Islamic gender ethics and legal formulations, addressing wide-ranging contemporary challenges including questions of women’s rights in marriage and divorce, the politics of veiling, and women’s leadership of ritual prayer.

Shaikh deftly deconstructs traditional binaries between the spiritual and the political, private conceptions of spiritual development and public notions of social justice, and the realms of inner refinement and those of communal virtue. Drawing on the treasured works of Sufism, Shaikh raises a number of critical questions about the nature of selfhood, subjectivity, spirituality, and society to contribute richly to the prospects of Islamic feminism as well as feminist ethics more broadly.

About the Author: Sa’diyya Shaikh is associate professor of religious studies at the University of Cape Town.

Available from:  University of North Carolina Press

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on 12 June 2015, the book was awarded the 2015 University of Capetown Book Award. Below is the press release from UTC.

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Assoc Prof Sa’diyya Shaikh has won the 2015 UCT Book Award for her exploration of the ideas of a 13th century Sufi mystic, poet and scholar in Sufi Narratives of Intimacy.

Her book combines feminism and Sufism in such a unique way that critics have labelled it “ground-breaking” and “pioneering”.

It represents a dialogue between the social and spiritual concerns of 21st century Muslims on the one hand and the rich legacy of a compelling Muslim thinker – Muhyi al-Din ibn al-‘Arabi – on the other.

Ibn ‘Arabi was a 13th century Sufi scholar and mystic from Andalusia in southern Spain who, according to Shaikh, held revolutionary ideas about gender. “In the thirteenth century, he holds the position that women can lead mixed (congregational) prayers not because they are equal (to men) and it’s the right thing to do, but because men and women have the same access to the fundamental condition of being human. So, everything that emerges from this condition of being fully human in terms of rights and responsibilities applies to both men and women. For many contemporary Muslims, this might seem like a radical position, but it comes from a deeply grounded understanding of Islam,” explains Shaikh.

The book had been years in the making. She began her study on Ibn ‘Arabi during her doctoral dissertation, and decided that she needed to make some of his dense esoteric ideas more accessible. “I hoped that if I could successfully write the book in a style that invited and drew in the reader, they might be enticed into staying with a set of sophisticated Sufi ideas long enough to see the value for contemporary societies,” she says.

Shaikh describes the book as reflecting a feminist voice within Islam. “I map how Sufism resides at the heart of Muslim spirituality and has fundamental implications for thinking about gender in terms of law, virtue and ethics. My book is about reading critically and constructively against the grain, and claiming a particular space within the Muslim tradition to talk back to patriarchy. It is about claiming an authority within the tradition not for me, but for a certain voice of radical human equality which resides within the tradition.”

A moment of awe

Shaikh first encountered the writings of Ibn ‘Arabi whilst participating in a graduate course on Sufism during her time as a Fulbright scholar in America.

“I was sitting with another graduate student reading (Ibn ‘Arabi) texts in Arabic and English, and it was one of those moments that time seemed to have condensed: the sun had set, hours had passed and the two of us didn’t notice the entire world go by. It was a moment of genuine, absolute awe. I came out of it marvelling at the vastness and possibilities of being human. The questions of what it means to be human within the Muslim tradition, and how gender influences one’s understandings of a person’s humanity remained with me.”

Her interest in existential questions like these underpins her interest in religion – more specifically Islam. “Religion has always provided a complex, ambivalent framing narrative for me to grapple with those questions. I don’t think there is one religious narrative at all. There are multiple narratives within religious traditions and I have struggled, grappled, challenged, worked with, been nourished by, found solace in, fought with, argued with, pulled apart and put together these narratives because in all its ambiguity and messiness, religion has informed my framing of reality,” she added.

Shaikh also grew up with interesting stories about Sufi teachers and saints, which her father simply referred to as “good Muslim people. He never called them Sufis”. The stories left a deep impression on her and the central characters caught her attention because of their honesty, integrity, courage and “some supernatural stuff, which as a kid you really like”. These stories of “good Muslims” also inextricably linked spiritual awareness – a God-consciousness – with that it meant to be an ethical and virtuous human being.

No contest between Islam and feminism

While Sufism demands adherence to rigorous spiritual discipline (like additional fasting or late-night prayers), Shaikh argues that Sufi spiritual practice extends to the individual’s engagement with his or her community. “Sufism is about embodying virtue. That virtue should extend from within oneself to society, an integral part of the spiritual life. Importantly justice is one of the central virtues in this tradition. The challenge to contemporary Muslims is to formulate dynamic and relevant understandings of justice for our times.”

Religion is also not the only vehicle for transformation of the self and society. “Feminism gives me a language with which I can speak to my comrades and sisters in other (religious) traditions or those in no traditions who are struggling with injustice because as human beings we share, confront and resist these realities collectively and as part of diverse communities of belonging.”

Policing Sexuality: Sex, Society and the State

PolicingSexuality
Policing Sexuality takes a look at the question of why and how states impose restrictions on the sexual and gender expressions and identities of their citizens. Author Julien C. H. Lee was first drawn to these questions through his participation in CSBR’s international comparative research on the causes of rising conservatism and moral policing of sexuality in Muslim societies.

The author presents both theoretical and ethnographic literature, distilling common themes and causes and presenting factors that contribute towards a state’s desire to control both the sexual behavior and sexual identity of its citizens, such as the influence of colonialism, class, religion, and national identity. This book features five crucial case studies from India, Britain, the USA, Malaysia, and Turkey. Policing Sexuality illuminates this fascinating study with comparative accounts.

Written in an accessible style, the book seeks “to give activists seeking to advance sexuality-related rights–but who may not be familiar with the academic literature related to it–an introduction to the field of sexuality studies, insights into how and why States seek to police sexuality, and reflections on ways and contexts surrounding attempts to advance those rights.” (Introduction, p. 2).

Order copies from Zed Books, and preview the Introduction from Zed Books here.

 

Reviews

‘Policing the body politic always entails sequestering the body sexual; the questions are only how and why, exactly where and when. This trans-regional examination of the different, and always self-contradictory, modalities of sexual state control and self-control is a treasure chest. Authors from Michel Foucault to Judith Butler would pawn one of their books to read this one: a combination of socio-cultural anatomies with humanist thinking. The anthropological wealth and comparative sociological imagination of this painstaking, yet amazingly easy-to-read book are scholarship at its best: accessible but never simplifying, liberating but never patronizing.’

– Gerd Baumann, University of Amsterdam, author of Contesting Culture (1996), The Multicultural Riddle (1999) and Grammars of Identity / Alterity: A Structural Approach (2005)

 

‘In a moment when state policies seeking to regulate sexual expression have emerged under many cultural and religious banners, affecting a wide range of sexual subjects, Julian Lee gives us an invaluable map to understand this moral policing more clearly and comprehensively.

Policing Sexuality is exceptional among recent works on sexuality, gender and public policy in providing a rich comparative analysis across five major country contexts encompassing both South and North. Lee’s eye for complexity along with his gift for lucid, straightforward prose illuminates “the evolutionary nature of sexuality rights and empowerment” and shows why we must never view culture as static or given nor human rights as sufficient without political struggle.’

– Rosalind P. Petchesky, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, Hunter College and the Graduate Center, City University of New York; author, Global Prescriptions: Gendering Health and Human Rights (2003); Sexuality, Health and Human Rights (with Sonia Corrêa and Richard Parker, 2008)

In the Land Where Everyone’s God: Interview with Musdah Mulia

Professor Siti Musdah Mulia has taken part in many CSBR activities, including teaching at our Sexuality Institutes. Here’s an interview with her from August 2014, where she shares views on religious conservatism in Indonesia and the importance of critical thinking, education, and a rights-based democracy to counter it.

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Musdah

In the Land Where Everyone’s God: Interview with Musdah Mulia

Muslim scholar Siti Musdah Mulia is a controversial figure, if being controversial means adhering to moderate religious teaching and relentlessly promoting pluralism and gender equality.

The Islamic jurisprudence professor has irked many conservative Muslims for her boldness in criticizing some aspects of Islam considered sacred. These include her view on hijab (“it’s just fashion, a personal decision, but there’s no directive demanding it”), although she herself wears it out of habit; her progressive view on gender role; and her LGBT-friendly perspective.

Born in Bone, South Sulawesi in 1958, Musdah is the first Indonesian woman to hold a PhD in the field of Islamic political thinking from Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Jakarta.

She has written a number of books on contemporary Islam, Islamic public policy, gender equality and polygamy. Musdah has received the prestigious Yap Thiam Hien Award for national human rights activist in 2008, thanks to her bravery in promoting Islam as a peaceful community that upholds dialog and inclusiveness.

The mother of three was the director of religious research and social affairs at the Ministry of Religious Affairs. She is currently the director of the Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace (ICRP) and the director of Megawati Institute, former president Megawati Soekarnoputri’s think tank.

Magdalene recently sat down with her to talk about the growing religious conservatism in the country, and below is excerpts from the interview.


Magdalene: Forgive my ignorance, I didn’t even know that there was a Megawati Institute. What does it focus on?

Musdah Mulia: We have Sekolah Pemikiran Pendiri Bangsa (SPPB – School of the Thoughts of Nation’s Founders), which is aimed to sow the ideas of the nation’s founders that are still very relevant. For four months students are introduced to the ideas of Soekarno, Mohamad Hatta and Budi Utomo to Tan Malaka and Kartini.

I feel sad that people are not familiar with their thoughts and ideas. Tan Malaka is a brilliant thinker but he’s only known as a leftist. People refuse to read comprehensively. They only read in pieces and bits and sometimes see them outside the context. Often they consider the ideas dangerous, instead of getting the right message.

I want the students to really learn the ideas and be able to provide arguments, whether they agree or not, and they are encouraged to write. The course is for students aged 17 to 24. They come from universities across the country. The teachers are mostly historians, who really understand the ideas of the thinkers. This course is free.


Were you involved in (Presiden-elect) Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s team during the election?

Yes, I was in the team of experts, formulating the vision, mission, speeches, and materials for the presidential debates, etc. I give inputs about religion. When people found out I was in the team, I was bullied. People don’t seem to be fond of me (laugh). I was accused of legalizing communism, fighting for the elimination of religion status on ID card. The smear campaign was so evil. I think we need to write a book about the effectiveness of smear campaign. We have to make people aware to not be gullible with propaganda because it is not only blasphemy, but also character assassination.


People believed in the religious issues brought up in the widespread smear campaign. Why is that?

I really believe that most of us don’t really understand about religion. Most of people’s knowledge comes from verbal explanation. It is rare that people understand religion because they read the sources themselves.

I learned about religion systematically from authentic and authoritative sources. But most people only learned from their ustad (religious teachers), and they believe that the knowledge is absolute.

Secondly, our education system does not emphasize on critical thinking. Education must sharpen critical thinking. When learning, even about religion, one must use reason, otherwise it would be wasted. We would accept everything as dogma, instead of something that results from our critical understanding.

Religious teaching is based on fear, whereas God is the Most Loving, Most Merciful, Most Beneficent, as stated in the phrase Muslims say everyday, ‘Bismillaahirramanirrahim’. These characteristics cited should be rooted first in us, so there would be no stigma and prejudice. Before we become suspicious of other people, we should accept them for what they are. But religion seems to spread horror, fear, and sometimes they are baseless and unreasonable.


I know for a fact that during the election, a number of mosques asked their congregations not to vote for Jokowi, because if he’s elected as president, Jakarta would have a Chinese Christian governor.

In many places – I happen to oversee a religious school in Klender, East Jakarta – a group of people came and preached, asked them not to vote for Jokowi because he was a member of the Communist Party (the disbanded PKI). I sometimes ask, what do you think PKI is? They said, they didn’t know. Many people are confused as to what PKI really is.

I told people at the religious schools that many PKI members were Muslims and even ulemas. It had nothing to do with the organization or atheism.


But in Islam, what is the rule of being led by non-Muslims?

There is no such rule. I have an authoritative book written by Ibn Taymiyyah, a really well known Middle Eastern scholar back in 13th-14th century. He said, being led by a fair king even though he is non-Muslim is far better than being led by an unjust Muslim king.

There is no rule that a leader must be Muslim, but the belief (that Muslims should be led by a Muslim) is entrenched deeply. My concern is how many people still understand religion in a very conservative point of view. This issue should be addressed by the government. The government should push for the dissemination of moderate thoughts, not just in Islam but also in other religions, that are compatible with democracy values. That’s the job of the state. But there have been no serious efforts from the government on this.

The government should encourage religious point of views that are democratic, peaceful and that appreciate diversity. Narrow-minded understanding that creates conflict and horror can be gradually eliminated. Unfortunately, the government let it all happens. They should take a strong stand against efforts to desacralize the state ideology Pancasila, including religious teachings.

I’m often confused. Our society is not stupid, but when it comes to religion, they refuse to use reason. Even those intellectuals and professors, whose religious point of views, I think, are naïve. Religious knowledge should be treated the same way as any other knowledge – we must use our critical minds. Maybe because we understand religion as dogma, since we are little, while the teachings must also be criticized especially if there’s something unreasonable.


Why is our society becoming increasingly conservative?

First, it’s a global phenomenon, due to the injustice suffered by Islamic countries as the results of double standards imposed by democratic countries including the US. This is unfortunate for countries that are in transition to democracy.

Second, democracy should be identical with people’s prosperity and social justice. When there’s no justice and prosperity, in addition to gaps and prevailing corruption, people are questioning whether democracy is like that.


If it’s the question of prosperity, why has the middle class grown conservative as well?

The middle upper class only looks for safety. I don’t have any other explanation. They think it would be more harmful to be moderate, so they go with the flow. They should be in a position to say that there is no place for fundamentalism and radicalism anywhere, whatever the risk is.

Young people are conservative because conservative teaching has penetrated the education system since preschool. General school is now more conservative than religious school, through religious extracurricular (Rohis). They’re scarier than religious-based schools.

In Indonesia, Wahabi (radical religious movement) moves and grows freely. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono even officiated the first Wahabi school in Solo called Majelis Tafsir Al Quran (MTA). This Wahabi group from Saudi Arabia is smart. They wanted to establish university but didn’t open a new one. They formed a joint venture with local institutions whose growth is stagnant by offering big money. Who would refuse?

I don’t understand where domestic and foreign politics in the country are going. Various groups tend to choose Wahabi over Iran, for example. Because Iran follows Shiite school of thought while Wahabi is from Saudi. Saudi is a capitalistic, hedonistic country, and they keep Wahabi groups to avoid demonstration and democratic thoughts, to easily control the people. In Indonesia, what good is that for? Maybe for control as well.


What makes Indonesians so hostile against Shiite?

The Shia in Indonesia is the traditional kind. If we’re to be honest, Islam was brought to Indonesia by Gujjarat traders from India, and it’s from the Shiite school of thought. A lot of Islamic traditions held and celebrated in Indonesia came from the Shiite tradition, such as celebrating the Prophet’s birth (Maulid Nabi). The difference between the Shia in Indonesia and in Iran is that there is no political element of it in here. People don’t even understand Shiite tradition. Shia in Iran has the tradition of Imam, here there is none.

The hatred against Shiite is spread by Wahabi groups that hate Shia. From a number of researches in Indonesia, the growing existence of Wahabi in Indonesia created the anti-Shia, anti-Ahmadiyah and anti-liberal groups stances. The more the government protects Wahabi, the more intolerant we’ll become. I heard that the government allows this group to grow so that the society will not be too liberal, so that the government could easily “play” with people.


Fundamentally, is there any difference in terms of teaching between Shia and Sunni?

Essentially, there is no difference. They worship Allah and they have the same Prophet, Muhammad.

People easily accuse people of being Shiite, such as (ulema and Muslim scholar) Quraish Shihab. Many people are not familiar with his expertise, they don’t know Pak Quraish but they attack him. Some of the attackers just graduated from schools. That’s ridiculous.


Pak Quraish is one of the ulemas that are often attacked by conservative groups.

Yes, one of them is because of his views about hijab. He said, ‘I’ve never said that hijab is haram(forbidden), no. I just want to say that hijab is a tradition of Arabic culture.” It is a tradition. If you want to wear it, go ahead, if not, then don’t. Pak Quraish said that many ulemas were angered by his view, but he felt that he had to tell the truth.

For me, hijab is more of a habit, because I grew up in a religious school. I never force my daughters or sisters to wear it.

The government should champion a moderate perspective. We should look at other Islamic countries, and not making Saudi Arabia as a role model. In Turkey, imam and khatib (preacher) have to go to special schools. There are standards. The schools teach moderate point of views, so the society is moderate, even though the current president is a bit conservative.

Tunisia adopts the sharia, but it bans polygamy and it closes down media and mosques that teach radicalism.


Has religious conservatism turned women’s movement backward?

Very. The discussion on gender equality bill at the Parliament has not finished until now. I’m now reluctant to be asked about my opinion about it, because the discussion never moves forward, just wasting my time.

It seems that there is a movement to return women to domestic realm. It’s apparent from various conservative views. I found religious teachers who are women, and they said that women cannot be leaders, cannot be active in public domain. You work in public domain, how could you teach that? I asked.


What should we do then?

The government should take a strong stand and say that the only religious teachings accepted in this country are those that are compatible with the principles of democracy, Pancasila and the principle of Islam as rahmatan lil alamin – the blessing for all humankind. That’s it. Why so afraid?

Islam is very compatible with democracy. As a human rights activist, I never lose ground. I strongly believe that Quran and Hadith (the records of Prophet Muhammad’s saying and behavior) uphold human rights. Religion is there to humanize human. It’s very clear for me.

Countering (the radical teachings) is not easy, but if we allow it, Indonesia will become Taliban in 20 to 30 years. I’ve met the Taliban in Afghanistan. I was assigned by the UN to conduct a dialog with them. At first they refused to look at me, they were angry, but we kept going. I know Quran by heart, they didn’t and they finally showed some respect for me and were willing to talk.

They said, “Don’t blame us. We’ve never heard those kind of (moderate) views.” So, dialog is necessary. It’s certainly not easy, it takes time and a lot of patience.


You are also known for your gay-friendly point of view. We have published an interesting article about being gay and Muslim, which the writer realizes it’s a paradox and conflicting.

He shouldn’t feel conflicted. When we talk about LGBT, first we talk about sexual orientation, which, according to many researches, is something given. If people are attracted to people of the same sex, there’s nothing wrong with that. There is no rule about that actually.

Second, about sexual behavior. There are heterosexual people who are into sexual perversion, while there are LGBT people who are sexually inactive because they feel that they are sinners. What are haram is sexual behaviors that are irresponsible, that hurt people and make people sick or tortured, regardless of the sexual orientation.

Islam speaks in details about sexual behaviors. Much of it is targeted for husbands, because in Arab society, the active ones are the husbands. So, the verses in Quran and the hadiths always ask husbands not to treat their wives like animal, that sexual intercourse should also include foreplay, sweet kisses and sweet words.

If gay people have sexual intercourse and do it with love and responsibility, what is wrong with that? Quran mostly emphasizes on behavior.


What about the story of Prophet Lot (of Sodom and Gomorrah)?

That story has always been used as the final conclusion. My understanding is that it’s about God’s warning to those who perpetrate sexual crimes. Anyone who does it – heterosexual or homosexual, anybody. There is no specific statement that homosexuality is forbidden.

Why is every religion against homosexuality? Because religions exist to propagate. At the end of the day, all religions are vying for devotees. They are threatened by homosexuals.

I have written about homosexuality and have repeatedly been invited to attend gay weddings in South Africa. I had a great time attending one of them. It was a wedding of an imam, a gay Muslim. I was invited along with Amina Wadud (American scholar of Islam with a progressive focus on Quran exegesis).

There is nothing wrong with being gay and Muslim. There is a group of lesbian Muslims in West Java – the members regularly hold mass prayers and donate to orphans. They are more Sufi than others. Only God has the right to rule whether people are wrong or not, faithful or not.

The problem with our society is that there are too many people who place themselves as God.

 

Source: Magdalene

Response to the Zero-Draft of the Outcome Document of the Post-2015 Summit

During the 20-24 June 2015 intergovernmental negotiations, ARROW submitted a detailed response to the zero-draft of the Outcome Document of the Post-2015 Summit. The response was supported by 116 women’s groups and allied civil society and social movements from 33 countries and 7 regions.

The response includes both general comments on the framing of the draft, and specific comments on the language. Overall the response calls for the inclusion of sexual and reproductive health and rights across the document from an intersectional gender-responsive approach that ensures accountability to human rights, environmental and labour standards, and non-discrimination on the basis of diverse identity markers.

Read the response here.

Response to Zero-Draft of Post-2015 Outcome Document

WAO Reveals 2015 Domestic Violence Report & Launches Public Education Campaign “Can You Keep A Secret?”

WAO Launch 'Can You Keep A Secret'


Kuala Lumpur, 23 June 2015
– Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO) revealed their annual “Working Together: Case Studies in Domestic Violence Response, 2015 Report”, simultaneously launching their public education campaign with a ceramic art installation entitled, “Can You Keep A Secret?” in collaboration with Leo Burnett/ Arc Worldwide Malaysia today in Publika. The launch was officiated by the Minister of Women, Family and Community Development, YB Dato’ Sri Rohani Abdul Karim.

The report details the experiences of domestic abuse survivors and the challenges they faced in obtaining protection and justice. WAO also compiled a comprehensive list of recommendations directed towards relevant government authorities.

“Can You Keep a Secret?” is aimed at raising awareness on domestic violence and will be onWAO 2015 Report Working Togetherdisplay at the Blue Bridge on Level G3 of Publika, featuring live-size ceramic head sculptures representing everyday women who could be victims of abuse. The twelve ceramic heads feature different stories of domestic violence survivors, drawing the public’s attention and urging them to speak out when it matters most – when they notice abuse.

Artist James Seet from Leo Burnett/ Arc Worldwide Malaysia volunteered his time and skills to create the sculptures as it was an issue he strongly wanted to champion. Ceramic art was used to mirror real stories of survivors, representing the fragility of abused victims. Masking their internal emotions with a strong façade, victims develop deep mental and emotional scars that affect their wellbeing,“ Seet said.

“In line with Leo Burnett’s Humankind philosophy of creating work that influences behaviour, we hope to be able to bring the severity of domestic violence to attention through this art installation. This issue will not resolve overnight, but with the little exposure and education on this topic, we hope to encourage Malaysians to take action when they come across domestic violence,” James added.

“The Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development prioritises women’s rights, and is working towards achieving gender equality. Malaysia is committed to our obligations to Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The Ministry strongly supports efforts by government and non-governmental agencies to assist survivors of domestic violence,” the Minister stressed.

WAO Launch "Can You Keep A Secret?" 2The Minister also noted that there were strengths and weaknesses in the response system for domestic violence survivors, which the report points out. The Minister added that her Ministry would “consider all suggestions and recommendations that WAO has raised in the report to better address domestic violence.”

Sumitra Visvanathan, Executive Director of WAO, emphasised the importance of multi-stakeholder collaboration in addressing domestic violence. She stated, “All relevant bodies, including non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and government agencies such as hospitals and the police must work together to improve our response to domestic violence and continue to ensure that victim-survivors have access to the crucial support and assistance that we collectively provide.”

The report highlights the key role of police as first-responders in most domestic violence cases. From the 110 victim-survivors surveyed, 68 (61.8%) of them sought help from the police before anyone else.

“The police play a vital role in domestic violence response. It is exceedingly important that officers receive proper support and training to deal with these cases,” Visvanathan further commented.

Another highlight in the report is breakthrough developments in the courts where domestic violence cases are tried. For example, a victim impact statement (VIS) was successfully used in convicting a perpetrator. In another case, the perpetrator was successfully jailed for breaching a protection order, a first in Malaysia.

WAO Vice-President Tashia Peterson said at the launch, “Domestic violence must not be seen as normal; women have the right to a life free from violence. We want the public to recognise that and realise that we all have a part to play in ending domestic violence.”

“We would also like to thank Leo Burnett/ Arc Worldwide Malaysia for helping to make our campaign a success,as well as the office of Datuk Paul Low Seng Kuan, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, and Brickfields Asia College (BAC) for their generous support towards publishing the report. Thank you as well to Publika for providing us the space to conduct these initiatives,” she added. `

The art installation will be on display in Publika, on the Blue Bridge on Level G3, until the 22nd of July. It will then exhibited in other locations.

The report is available for download at bit.ly/WAOreport.

Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO) provides temporary shelter, social work and counselling services for domestic violence survivors and advocates for women’s human rights. Call our counselling line at 03 7956 3488 or SMS TINA at 018 988 8058 if you or someone you know is experiencing abuse. Together, we change lives.

For more information, contact: Kristine Yap, kristine.wao@gmail.com

 

 

Men in Charge? Rethinking Authority in Muslim Legal Tradition

Men in Charge? Front Cover
In April 2015, MUSAWAH–the global movement for equality in the Muslim family–launched an exciting new book which “shows that the assumption that God gave men authority over women is a theological fiction that became a legal fiction, whose main function now is to sustain gender inequality.” [1]

SYNOPSIS

Muslim legal tradition does not treat men and women equally. At the root of this discrimination lies a theological assumption: God has given men authority over women. This assumption is justified with reference to a Qur’anic verse (4:34) and is expressed in two key legal concepts that underlie the logic of most contemporary Muslim family laws. One, qiwamah, generally denotes a husband’s authority over his wife. The other, wilayah, refers to the right and duty of male family members to exercise guardianship over female members and the privileging of fathers over mothers in guardianship of their children.

Based on exciting new feminist research, Men in Charge? critically engages with this assumption and challenges male authority and gender discrimination from within the Muslim legal tradition. The authors trace how male dominance came to be inherent in the tradition, show how it is produced and sustained in contemporary times, and indicate how the tradition can be reformed in order to promote gender equality and justice.

The contributors are academics and activists from varied disciplines and backgrounds who were brought together by Musawah. Since its launch in 2009, Musawah has sought to produce new knowledge to support local and national movements as they develop and advocate for change.

Summaries of the chapters are available on MUSAWAH’s site here, and insights on the processes behind the book by editor Ziba Mir-Hosseini can be read on Open Democracy here.

KOHL – A Journal for Body and Gender Research, Vol. 1

KOHLIssue-1-cover

 

The first volume of Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research كحل: مجلة لأبحاث الجسد و الجندر is available in English here. Arabic version coming soon.


About Kohl:  
Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research كحل: مجلة لأبحاث الجسد و الجندر is a progressive, new journal on gender and sexuality in the Middle East, South West Asia and North Africa region. Kohl is a biannual, multilingual, open access, and peer-reviewed academic journal. It targets mainly, but not exclusively, graduate-level academics, fresh graduates, independent writers, activists, and researchers who are not affiliated with an academic institution. [1]

 

Rethinking Intersections: A MENA-centred Definition of Gender and Sexuality (Vol. 1): Table of Contents

Rethinking Intersections, Rethinking Contexts: Writing in Times of Dissent (Editorial) – Ghiwa Sayegh

Feminism as a Moral Imperative in a Globalised World (Commentary) – Arianne Shahvisi

Women as Space/Women in Space: Relocating our Bodies and Rewriting Gender in Space – Jana Nakhal

Reconceptualizing Sexual Harassment in Egypt: A Longitudinal Assessment of el-Taharrush el-Ginsy in Arabic Online Forums and Anti-Sexual Harassment Activism – Angie Abdelmonem

From Diaspora to Nationalism via Colonialism: The Jewish “Memory” Whitened, Israelized, Pinkwashed, and De-Queered – Sahar Mandour

Re-Orienting Desire from With/In Queer Arab Shame: Conceptualizing Queer Arab Subjectivities through Sexual Difference Theory in a Reading of Bareed Mista3jil – Sarah Hamdan

Signifying Bodies: Artistic Representations of Embodiments in the Works of Samir Khaddaje, Rabih Mroué and Lina Saneh – Zéna M. Meskaoui

Pinkwashing: Israel’s International Strategy and Internal Agenda (Testimony) – Ghadir Shafie

Women’s Rights in Iraq: Old and New Challenges (Testimony) – Ilham Hammadi

A Political Movement in Lebanon? A Conversation on Feminism and Queerness (Openings) – Sanaa H.

The Bill on Fighting Violence against Women in Morocco: Anything new? (Resource) – Anass Sadoun


Call for Submissions for Vol. 2

The deadline to apply for submissions for volume 2, “The Non-Exotic Erotic: Questions of Desire and Representation”, has been extended to 2 August 2015. Find out more here.

 

Gender, Economic, Social and Ecological Justice for Sustainable Development: A Feminist Declaration for Post 2015

Gender, Economic, Social and Ecological Justice for Sustainable Development

A Feminist Declaration for Post 2015

As the United Nations decides on the future course of international development Post 2015, women of all ages, identities, ethnicities, cultures and across sectors and regions, are mobilizing for gender, social, cultural, economic and ecological justice, sustainable development and inclusive peace. We seek fundamental structural and transformational changes to the current neoliberal, extractivist and exclusive development model that perpetuates inequalities of wealth, power and resources between countries, within countries and between men and women. We challenge the current security paradigm that increases investments in the military-industrial complex, which contributes to violent conflict between and within countries.

We demand a paradigm transformation from the current neoliberal economic model of development, which prioritizes profit over people, and exacerbates inequalities, war and conflict, militarism, patriarchy, environmental degradation and climate change. Instead, we call for economic models and development approaches that are firmly rooted in principles of human rights and environmental sustainability, that address inequalities between people and states, and that rebalance power relations for justice so that the result is sustained peace, equality, the autonomy of peoples, and the preservation of the planet.

This transformational shift requires the redistribution of unequal and unfair burdens on women and girls in sustaining societal well being and economies, intensified in times of violence and conflict, as well as during economic and ecological crises. It also must bring attention to the kind of growth generated and for this growth to be directed toward ensuring well being and sustainability for all. It must tackle intersecting and structural drivers of inequalities, and multiple forms of discrimination based on gender, age, class, caste, race, ethnicity,place of origin, cultural or religious background, sexual orientation, gender identity, health status and abilities. This involves reviewing and reforming existing laws and policies that criminalize consensual behaviors related to sexuality and reproduction.

A development model that will work for women and girls of all ages and identities must be firmly rooted in international human rights principles and obligations, including non-retrogression, progressive realization, and the Rio principles, including common but differentiated responsibilities, as well as the fulfillment of the Cairo Program of Action, the Beijing Platform for Action, and Extraterritorial Obligations of States as outlined in the Maastricht Principles. It also requires states to have ratified and implemented international human rights treaties, including on economic and social rights and women’s human rights, and multilateral environmental agreements. Any sustainable development framework Post 2015 must aim for social inclusion and equity, human security and sustainable peace, the fulfillment of human rights for all and gender equality. It requires reviewing the current security paradigm of investing heavily in militarized peace and security; respecting the secularity of the State where this is enshrined in national norms; reversing the current model of over-consumption and production to one of sustainable consumption, production, and distribution; and ensuring a new ecological sustainability plan that applies a biosphere approach and respect for planetary boundaries and ecological sustainability.

We aim to build political commitment and to overcome financial and legal obstacles to sustainable development, peace, and the respect, protection and fulfillment of all women’s human rights. We urge the international community to address the unjust social, economic and environmental conditions that perpetuate armed conflict,violence and discrimination, the feminization of poverty, commodification of natural resources, and threats to food sovereignty that impede women and girls from becoming empowered, realizing their human rights and achieving gender equality.

Specifically, we call for:

  1. Gender equality to be cross-cutting across all sustainable development goals, strategies and objectives, as well as astand alone goal to achieve gender equality, women’s empowerment and the full realization of women’s human rightsthat contributes to the redistribution of the current concentration of power, wealth and resources, including information and technology. We call for anend to all forms of gender-basedviolenceincluding early and forced marriages, female genital mutilation, honor killings and sexual violence, especially during and after conflict and natural disasters; an end to all forms of discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, race, ethnicity, cultural background and health status; a guarantee of women’s equal, full and effective participation at all levels of political, private and public life, leadership and decision-making, including in all peace processes; a guarantee of all women’s equal rights to land and property; a guarantee of all women’s sexual, bodily and reproductive autonomy free from stigma, discrimination and violence; and the collection of data and statistics, disaggregated by, among others, gender, age, race, ethnicity, location, disability and socio-economic status to inform the formulation, monitoring and evaluation of laws, policies and programs.
  2. Any goal on education must include specific means to address the social, cultural and community practices that prevent girls, adolescents and women across the life-course from accessing and completing education and lifelong learning; create enabling environments for girls’ learning, including safety, hygiene, and mobility; achieve universal access to quality early childhood, primary, secondary and tertiary education for all children and eliminate gender gaps, with a focus on transitions between primary-secondary and secondary-tertiary in order to ensure retention and completion by girls, adolescents and young people; provide formal and non-formal education for all women to be aware of and able to exercise their human rights;ensure comprehensive sexuality education programs that promote values of respect for human rights, freedom, non-discrimination, gender equality, non-violence and peace-building; implement education curricula that are gender-sensitive and eliminate gender stereotypes, sexism, racism and homophobia, and that provide teacher training to enable the delivery of unbiased, non-judgmental education
  1. Any goal on health must include the achievement of the right to the highest attainable standard of health, including sexual and reproductive health and rights. Health services must be integrated and comprehensive, free from violence, coercion, stigma and discrimination, and emphasize equitable access, especially for adolescents, to contraception, including emergency contraception, information on assisted reproduction, maternity care, safe abortion, prevention and treatment of STIs and prevention, treatment, care and support of HIV, as well as services for those suffering from violence and in situations of emergencies and armed conflict. All services must be accessible, affordable, acceptable and of quality. New investments and strategies for health and the development of goals, targets and indicators must be firmly based on human rights, including sexual and reproductive rights.
  2. To ensure economic justice we call for an enabling international environment for development that upholds the extra-territorial obligation of states to ensure macroeconomic and financial policies meet economic and social rights as enshrined in the Maastricht principles.This includes development-oriented trade, fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies, progressive tax measures, a sovereign debt workout mechanism, and ending trade and investment treaties that impoverish nations and people;challenging global intellectual property rights frameworks; eliminating harmful subsidies; boosting productive capacity through an inclusive and sustainable industrialization strategy of diversified economic sectors moving from carbon intensive to safe and environmentally sound societies; transforming the gendered division of labor and assuring the redistribution of paid and unpaid work, while ensuring decent work and a living wage for all; implementing a universal social protection floor for persons of all ages to access basic services such as health care,child and elder care, education, food, water, sanitation, energy, housing and employment; recognition and account for the value of care work and protect the rights of care workers throughout the global care chain and guarantee women’s equal access to resources; promotion of technology transfer, financing, monitoring, assessment, and research in line with the precautionary principle; increased financing for gender equality and women’s human rights and re-directing investments in the warfare industry from militarized security to human security.
  3. To promote ecological justice, we call for ensuring the health of ecosystems and ecosystem services are protected and restored and that the intrinsic value of nature is recognized and respected;an end to the commodification of nature; securing safe, sustainable and just production and consumption patterns and eliminating hazardous substances and technologies; ensuring food and water sovereignty for all, paying particular attention to small holder farmers and fisher-folk, who are often women, as key economic actors whose right to use and own land and access forests, grass and waste-lands, rivers, lakes, seas and oceans should be protected through legally binding safeguards, including against land and resource grabbing; respect for the unique knowledge of indigenous peoples and local communities, including peasant and coastal communities, and ensuring the right to free, prior and informed consent in any development projects that may affect the lands, territories and resources which they own, occupy or otherwise use; address the inequality, pressure and exploitation of women living in poverty within urban and rural communities, including through reversing rapid and unsustainable urbanization to prevent degradation of ecosystems and exploitation of resources that exacerbates injustice in urban, peri-urban and rural areas. Ecological justice requires a strengthened United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, fulfillment of the Maastricht Principles on Extraterritorial Obligations of States, and a clear recognition of the cultural and ecosystem losses that climate change has already failed to save- and the crises faced by small island developing states- particularly by strengthening the newly established Loss and Damage mechanism under the UNFCCC.

With regard to governance and accountability and means of implementation of the sustainable development framework, we call for a prioritization of public financing over public-private partnerships as well as transparency and accountability in both public and private actions related to sustainable development. Private sector is profit-oriented by nature and not obligated to invest in social needs and global public goods. Today, thirty-seven of the world’s 100 largest economies are corporations. The public sector—whose crucial roles include the financing necessary for poverty eradication, meeting social needs and financing global public goods—thus remains essential for a sustainable development financing strategy. All public budgets need to be transparent, open to public debate,gender responsive and allocate adequate resources to achieving these priorities, including through the implementation of international financial transaction taxes. We must ensure the meaningful participation of women in the design, delivery, monitoring and evaluation of the development goals, policies and programs, as well as during peace-building efforts, protect all women human rights defenders, and guarantee their safety and non persecution. There must be access to effective remedies and redress at the national level for women’s human rights violations. Monitoring and evaluation should include reporting of states on their obligations before the Universal Periodic Review, CEDAW and its Optional Protocol, and other human rights mechanisms and under multilateral environmental agreements. Regulation, accountability and transparency of non-state actors, particularly trans-national corporations and public-private partnerships, are critical for achieving sustainable development.Justice will not be possible without effective governance mechanisms, for which it is necessary to guarantee the respect for, enforceability and justiciability of all human rights, as well as ensuring the rule of law and the full participation of civil society, in conditions of equality between men and women.

 

List of Signatories (as of February 28, 2014)

  1. 1325 Policy Group-Sweden
  2. AAARP International
  3. Aahung- Pakistan
  4. AAWU (All Afghan Women Union)- Afghanistan
  5. Action Aid International
  6. Action Canada for Population and Development- Canada
  7. Adéquations- France
  8. ADPDH- Mauritania
  9. Advocates for Youth and Health Development- Nigeria
  10. AEEFG- Tunisia
  11. African Indigenous Women’s Organization
  12. African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET)
  13. AIDS Accountability International
  14. Akahata-Equipo de Trabajo en Sexualidades y Géneros
  15. Akina Mama waAfrika( AMwA)- Uganda
  16. Alianza LAC juventudesrumbo a Cairo +20- Latin America and the Caribbean
  17. Alianzapor la Solidaridad
  18. American Jewish World Service- USA
  19. Anis – Institute of Bioethics, Human Rights and Gender (Brazil)
  20. ApnaGhar, Inc- USA
  21. Arab Women’s Organization- Jordan
  22. Arab Youth Network for SRHR
  23. ArticulaciónFeministaMarcosur- Latin America
  24. Articulación Regional Feminista- Latin America
  25. Articulación Regional de Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil de América Latina y el Caribe hacia Cairo más 20- Latin America and the Caribbean
  26. Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD)
  27. Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants- Hong Kong
  28. Asia Pacific Resource and Research Centre for Women (ARROW)
  29. Asia Pacific Women’s Watch (APWW)
  30. AsociaciónLatinoamericana de Población-ALAP
  31. Association Camerounaise pour la Prise en charge des PersonnesAgees- Cameroun
  32. Association for Liberty and Equality for Gender (ALEG)- Romania
  33. Association for Women’s Rights and Development (AWID)
  34. Association of War Affected Women
  35. ASTRA Network
  36. ATHENA Network
  37. Atria, institute on Gender Equality and Women’s History
  38. Aurora New Dawn
  39. Austrian Family Planning Association
  40. Aware Girls- Pakistan
  41. Balance, Promociónpara el desarrollo y la juventud- Mexico
  42. BanteaySrei- Cambodia
  43. Beyond Beijing Committee (BBC)- Nepal
  44. Black Sea Women’s Club- Ukraine
  45. Bougainville Women’s Federation- Papua New Guinea
  46. CamASEAN Youth’s Future (CamASEAN)- Cambodia
  47. Cameroon Indigenous Women’s Forum- Cameroon
  48. Campaña 28 de Septiembrepor la Despenalización del Aborto de América Latina y el Caribe
  49. CampañaporunaConvenciónInteramericana de los DerechosSexuales y Reproductivos
  50. Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network
  51. Canadian Network of Women’s Shelters and Transition Houses- Canada
  52. Caribbean Family Planning Association
  53. Caring Economy Campaign
  54. CatchAFyah Caribbean Feminist Network
  55. CBM- Europe
  56. Center for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
  57. Center for Encounter and active non-violence-Austria
  58. Center for Health and Gender Equity (CHANGE)- USA
  59. Center for Partnership Studies
  60. Center for Reproductive Rights
  61. Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL)
  62. Centre for Creative Initiatives in Health and Population (CCIHP)- Vietnam
  63. Centre for Health Education, Training and Nutrition Awareness (CHETNA)- India
  64. Centre for Human Rights and Climate Change Research
  65. Centro Feminista de Estudos e Assessoria: CFEMEA

66.     ChimkentWomenresource Center,  Kazakhstan

  1. Circle Connections- USA
  2. Círculo de Juventud Afrodescendiente de lasAméricas-CJAA
  3. Civic Initiatives Support Center
  4. CoaliciónCaribeñaPoblación y Desarrollo
  5. Coalición Contra el Tráfico de Mujeres y Niñas en América Latina y El Caribe
  6. CoaliciónNacional de SC hacia Cairo más 20
  7. Coaliciónpor la Salud de lasMujeres en México
  8. CoaliciónSalvadoreña de Mujeresrumbo a Cairo + 20
  9. Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR)
  10. Coalition of African Lesbians (CAL)
  11. COC Netherlands
  12. ComisiónNacional de SeguimientoMujeresporDemocracia, equidad y ciudadanía- CNSmujeres
  13. Comité de América Latina y El Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer- CLADEM
  14. Common Language- China
  15. Community Practitioners Platform- Guatemala
  16. Congo Men´s Network (COMEN)- Congo
  17. ConsejoLatinoamericano de Iglesias-CLAI
  18. ConsejoLatinoamericano y del Caribe de organizaciones no gubernamentales con servicio en VIH/SIDA- LACASSO
  19. ConsorcioLatinoamericano contra el abortoinseguro-CLACAI
  20. ConsorcioLatinoamericano de Anticoncpeción de Emergencia-CLAE
  21. Coordinación de Mujeres del Paraguay
  22. Coordinación Red FeministaCentroamericana contra la ViolenciahacialasMujeres-CEMUJER
  23. Coordinadora de la Mujer- Bolivia
  24. Corporación Centro de Apoyo popular –CENTRAP
  25. Corporación Humanas- Chile
  26. CREA- India
  27. Danish Socialdemocratic Youth- Denmark
  28. Danish Women´s Society- Denmark
  29. Darfur Women’s Association
  30. Darpana- India
    Citizens Resource and Action Initiative- India
  31. Day Ku Aphiwat (DKA)- Cambodia
  32. Democracy in Action
  33. Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era – DAWN
  34. Diverse Voices in Action for Equality (DIVA)- Fiji
  35. Drag it to the Top- Pakistan
  36. Dutch Council of Women- Netherlands
  37. East African Women
  38. Ecco-Accord- Russia
  39. Ecumenical, Multicultural Equity for Women in the Church Community–United States
  40. Education as Vaccine EVA- Nigeria
  41. Education International- Belgium
  42. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights- Egypt
  43. Ekta- India
  44. El Closet de Sor Juana- Mexico
  45. ELA- Argentina
  46. Ender- Solomon Islands
  47. Engender- South Africa
  48. Enlace Continental de MujeresIndígenas de lasAméricas
  49. EquisJusticia par alas Mujeres- Mexico
  50. EspacioIberoamericano de Juventud
  51. Faculty of Postgraduate Studies- University of Health Sciences, Laos
  52. Family Planning Association of Trinidad and Tobago- Trinidad and Tobago
  53. Fellowship of Reconciliation
  54. Feminist Approach to Technology- India

121.  Feminist League Almaty, Kazakhstan

122.  Feminist League Kokshetay, Kazakhstan

  1. Feminist Task Force
  2. Femmes Africa Solidarité
  3. Femmes et DroitsHumains- Mali
  4. FIAN International
  5. Fiji Women’s Rights Movement
  6. Fortress of Hope Africa- Kenya
  7. Forum of Women’s NGOs of Kyrgyzstan
  8. Fountain-ISOKO for Good Governance and Integrated Development- Burundi
  9. Friends of the Earth- Ukraine
  10. Fundación Guatemala
  11. Fundación Mexicana Para la Planificación Familiar- México
  12. FundaciónparaEstudio e Investigación de la Mujer (FEIM), Argentina
  13. Fundaciónpara la Formación de LíderesAfrocolombianosAfrolider- Colombia
  14. GADIP- Sweden
  15. Gather the Women
  16. GAYa NUSANTARA- Indonesia
  17. Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ)- Zimbabwe
  18. Gender and Development Network (GADN)- UK
  19. Genre deme So- Mali
  20. Genre en Action
  21. Gestos- HIV, Communication and Gender- Brazil
  22. Global Action on Aging
  23. Global Forrest Coalition
  24. Global Fund for Women
  25. Global Network of Women Peacebuilders
  26. GPPAC Western Balkans
  27. Graduate women association of the Netherlands, VVAO
  28. Gray Panthers- USA
  29. Greater New Orleans
  30. Grupo de Información en Reproducción Elegida- GIRE
  31. Grupo de Seguimiento a Cairo- Bolivia
  32. Grupo de Trabajo en Sexualidades y Géneros Argentina
  33. GrupoGénero y Macroeconomía de América Latina- GEMLAC
  34. GrupoInternacional de Mujeres y SIDA-IAWC International Community of Women living with HIV-AISD-
  35. Help Age International
  36. Huairou Commission
  37. Humanitarian Organization for Poverty Eradication (HOPE-PK)- Pakistan
  38. ICW Latina
  39. ILGA LAC
  40. INCRESE- Nigeria
  41. Indian Christian Women’s Movement- India
  42. Indian Women Theologians’ Forum- India
  43. Indigenous Information network and African Indigenous women’s organization- East Africa
  44. Initiative for the Elimination of Violence against Women and Children-Nigeria
  45. Institute for Science and Human Values, USA
  46. Institute of Human Rights Communication Nepal (IHRICON)
  47. Institutes for Women and Global Change- Costa Rica
  48. Instituto de Liderazgo Simone de Beauvoir- Mexico
  49. InstitutoQualivida
  50. InterAfrica Network for Women- FAMEDEV
  51. International Alliance of Women
  52. International Council on Social Welfare
  53. International Ecological Assosiation of Women of the Orient, Kazakhstan
  54. International Federation of Social Workers
  55. International Fellowship of Reconcilliation
  56. International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC), United States
  57. International Kontakt- Denmark
  58. International Lesbian and Gay Association- ILGA
  59. International Network for the Prevention of Elder Abuse
  60. International Planned Parenthood Federation-IPPF
  61. International Public Policy Institute
  62. International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)
  63. International Women’s Partnership for Peace and Justice (IWP)- Thailand
  64. International Women’s Development Agency- IWDA
  65. International Women’s Health Coalition- IWHC
  66. International Women´s Rights Project
  67. Ipas
  68. IraqiIndependentWomanOrganization (IIWO) / Iraq
  69. Isis International
  70. Italian Association for Women in Development (AIDOS)- Italy
  71. Italian Coordination of the European Womenìs Lobby / Lef-Italia
  72. IWRAW- Asia Pacific
  73. JAGORI- India
  74. Just Associates (JASS)
  75. KALYANAMITRA- Indonesia
  76. Kampuchea Women Welfare Association (KWWA)- Cambodia
  77. KULU- Women and Development- Denmark
  78. LANDESA
  79. Leadership for Environment and Development Southern and Eastern Africa- Malawi
  80. LeitanaNehan Women’s Development Agency, Autonomous Region of Bougainville, Papua New Guinea
  81. Lesbianas, Gays. Bisexuales, Trans e intersexuales de América Latina y El Carible
  82. LokChetnaVikas Kendra- LCVK India
  83. MADRE
  84. MahilaSarvangeenUtkarshMandal (MASUM), India
  85. Matrix Support Group- Lesotho
  86. Meditteranean Women’s Fund
  87. Men for Gender Equality, MfJ, Sweden
  88. Men’s Resources International
  89. MenEngage Alliance-Nepal
  90. Mesa de Vigilanciapor la Defensa de los DerechosSexuales y ReproductivosPerú
  91. Mesa Interinstitucional de Mujeres- Colombia
  92. Middle East and North Africa Partnership for Preventing of Armed Conflict (MENAPAC)
  93. Monfemnet- Mongolia
  94. MouvementFrançais pour le Planning Familial- France
  95. MovimientoLatinoamerica y del Caribe de MujeresPositivas, MLCM+
  96. Mujer y Salud Uruguay (MYSU)
  97. Multicultural Women Peace Makers Network
  98. Nansen Dialogue Centre-Serbia
  99. Nansen Dialogue Centre- Montenegro
  100. Naripokkho- Bangladesh
  101. National Alliance of Women’s Human Rights Defenders (NAWHRD)- Nepal
  102. National Council of Women- USA
  103. National Fisheries Solidarity Movement- India
  104. New Wineskins Feminist Ritual Community- USA
  105. NGO Gender Group- Myanmar
  106. Niger Delta Women’s movement for Peace and Development (NDWPD), Nigeria
  107. Non-Violence Network in theArabCountries
  108. Pacific Women’s Indigenous Network
  109. Pacific Youth Council
  110. Partners for Law and Development- India
  111. PermanentPeaceMovement (PPM)
  112. Permanent Peace Movement (PPM)- Lebanon
  113. Phoenix Women Take Back the Night
  114. PILIPINA Legal Resources Center, The Philippines
  115. PlataformaJuvenilSalvadoreñapor los derechossexuales y derechosreproductivos
  116. Platform Women & Sustainable Peace (Platform VDV)- Netherlands
  117. Polish Federation for Women and Family Planning (FEDERA)- Poland
  118. Popular Education Programme- South Africa
  119. Population Matters- UK
  120. Programme on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights- India
  121. Project Swarajya- India
  122. Promundo- Brasil
  123. Psychology, Trauma & Mindfulness Centre (PTMC), Australia
  124. PunangaTauturuInc (Cook Islands WomensCounselling Centre)
  125. Raimbow Identity Association-Botswana
  126. ReacciónClimática- Bolivia
  127. Realizing Sexual and Reproductive Justice-RESURJ
  128. Red Boliviana de Personas Viviendo con VIH (REDBOL)- Bolivia
  129. Red de Educación Popular entre Mujeres-REPEM
  130. Red de masculinidadpor la igualdad de género
  131. Red de mujeresAfrolatinoamericanas, Afrocaribeñas y de la Diáspora
  132. Red de MujeresTrabajadorasSexuales de Lationamerica y el Caribe-REDTRASEX
  133. Red de Salud de lasMujeresLatinoamericanas y El Caribe- RSMLAC
  134. Red Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Juventudespor los derechossexuales y reproductivos REDLAC
  135. Red Latinoamericanas de Católicaspor el Derecho a Decidir -CDD
  136. Red Mundial de Mujerespor los DerechosReproductivos
  137. Red Nacional de Jóvenes y Adolescentespara la Salud Sexual y Reproductiva (RedNac)- Argentina
  138. Regional Centre for Dalit Studies, INDIA
  139. REPEM COLOMBIA
  140. RethinkingHealthMatters
  141. Réussirl’égalité Femmes-hommes (REFH)- France
  142. Rights for All Women (RAW)- Denmark
  143. RMMDR Red Nacional de Jóvenes y Adolescentespor la Salud Sexual y Reproductiva- Argentina
  144. ROZAN- Pakistan
  145. Rural Women National Association RWNA-Romania
  146. Rural Women Peace Link- Kenya
  147. SAHAYOG- India
  148. Salamander Trust- UK
  149. Sci-Tech Service Center for Rurua Women in China
  150. Secular Women
  151. ServiciosEcumenicosparaReconciliacion y Reconstruccion –SERR
  152. ShirkatGah- Pakistan
  153. SíMujer – Nicaragua
  154. SILAKA, Cambodia
  155. Smart Women’s Community- Japan
  156. South Asian Feminist Alliance (SAFA)- Afghanistan
  157. South Asian Women’s Centre
  158. Space Allies- Japan
  159. Spiritual Alliance to Stop Intimate Violence
  160. Sri Lanka Women’s NGO Forum- Sri Lanka
  161. SUGRAMA- India
  162. Support for Women in Agriculture and Environment (SWAGEN)- Uganda
  163. SUTRA (Social Uplift Through Rural Action)- India
  164. SWADHINA- India
  165. Swedish Association for Sexuality Education (RFSU) – Sweden
  166. Taller Salud – Puerto Rico
  167. TARSHI (Talking About Reproductive and Sexual Health Issues)- India
  168. TheMiddle East and North AfricaPartnershipforPreventing of ArmedConflict (MENAPAC)
  169. The YP Foundation- India
  170. Third World Network
  171. TIYE International- The Netherlands
  172. Triangle Project- South Africa
  173. UNGASS AIDS Forum on Sexual and Reproductive Rights
  174. Unite Women New York
  175. United and Strong- St. Lucia
  176. United Federation of Danish Workers, Center for Equality and Diversity- Denmark
  177. Vision Spring Initiatives- Nigeria
  178. Voice for Change- South Sudan
  179. Voluntary Health Association- India
  180. WAR Against Rape- Pakistan
  181. We are Enough- USA
  182. WIDE- Network for Women’s Rights and Feminist Perspectives in Development- Austria
  183. WIDE+ European Network around women’s rights and development
  184. Widows for Peace through Democracy
  185. Wo=Men Dutch Gender Platform- the Netherlands
  186. Womankind Worldwide
  187. Women Against Nuclear Power- Finland
  188. Women for Peace and Development- Kenya
  189. Women for Peace in the Moluccas
  190. Women for Peace in the Moluccas (VrouwenvoorVrede op de Molukken)- Netherlands
  191. Women for Peace- Germany
  192. Women for Peace- Netherlands
  193. Women for Women´s Human Rights, New Ways (WWHR)-Turkey
  194. Women House Development Center- Palestine
  195. Women in Europe for a Common Future (WECF)- Netherlands
  196. Women in Law and Development in Africa / Femmes, Droit et Développement en Afrique
  197. Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET)- West Africa
  198. Women Power Connect- India
  199. Women Sport International
  200. Women to Women Ministries
  201. Women Waking the World
  202. Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR)
  203. Women’s Grassroots Congress, WGC, United States of America
  204. Women’s Legal and Human Rights Bureau (WLB) – Philippines
  205. Women’s Coalition- Turkey
  206. Women’s Earth and Climate Change Caucus
  207. Women’s Environment and Development Organization (WEDO)
  208. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)
  209. Women’s Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC)- Nepal
  210. Women’s School for Healing Arts and Sciences- USA
  211. Women’s Solidarity- Austria
  212. Women Sport International
  213. Women’s Workers Union- India
  214. Women´s Media Colective- Sri Lanka
  215. Women´s Peacemakers Program (WPP)- Netherlands
  216. World Student Christian Federation in Europe (WSCF-E)- Germany
  217. World Young Women’s Christian Association (WYWCA)
  218. YouAct: European Youth Network on Sexual and Reproductive Rights
  219. Young Women´s Leadership Institute- Kenya
  220. Youth Coalition for Sexual and Reproductive Rights
  221. Yunnan Health and Development Research Association (YHDRA)- China

Interactive World Map of Abortion Laws

The Center for Reproductive Rights has compiled all abortion rights in an interactive map of the world’s abortion laws. According to the map,

The legal status of abortion is an important indicator of women’s ability to enjoy their reproductive rights. Legal restrictions on abortion often cause high levels of illegal and unsafe abortion, and there is a proven link between unsafe abortion and maternal mortality.

Between 1950 and 1985, nearly all industrialized countries-and several others-liberalized their abortion laws.  In 1994, 179 governments signed the International Conference on Population and Development Programme of Action, signalling their commitment to prevent unsafe abortion. Since this important milestone, more than 25 countries worldwide have liberalized their abortion laws-while only a handful have tightened legal restrictions on abortion.

Most countries in Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, and southern Asia have severe abortion laws. Furthermore, three of the four countries generally considered to prohibit abortion altogether-Chile, El Salvador, and Nicaragua-are located in Latin America.