CSBR CSBR Activities, News from Member Organizations, Statements

Organizations from 31 Countries support Women & LGBTI People’s call for Peace in Turkey

99 Organizations from 31 Countries Support Women & LGBTI People’s Call for Peace in Turkey

27 November 2015

Violence in the Middle East and Turkey escalates with each passing day. While the world’s eyes turn to the tragic attacks in Paris, what we are experiencing at present in our country is much more extreme than the past, and we are deeply worried about what tomorrow will bring. It seems like our very future, our fundamental human rights, and the most basic right to life are under threat. For the past 40 years, Turkey has been in a state of war that has deeply affected our society, especially women and girl-children in eastern Turkey, and it has become impossible to prevent severe rights violations. Since Turkey’s June 7th 2015 general elections, in a context of escalating violence and military operations, which have continued after the recent November 1stsnap elections, the Human Rights Association reports that: 262 civilian lives have been lost (602 lives in total, including soldiers, police and Kurdish militants); 759 people have been wounded; 5,713 have been detained; and 1,004 people arrested.[1]

In these conflicts in the Kurdish region, concentrated mostly in the provinces of Diyarbakır, Hakkari and Şırnak, in the towns of Cizre, Silvan, Nusaybin, Silopi and many others, some settlements have endured blockades and 24-hour curfews of over 10 days, threatening the lives of civilians, especially women, girl-children, and LGBTI people. While the people of these regions cannot even obtain the most basic necessities for life, like water, food, and electricity, thousands of them are being forced to leave their homes. Additionally, they cannot access health services: it has been reported that between August and October 2015, 300 women in the towns of Hakkari province (Şemdinli and Yüksekova) who could not leave their homes have had miscarriages or are in danger of suffering miscarriages due to the extreme stress and trauma they are undergoing.[2]

As Turkey’s women’s and LGBTI movements, we have repeatedly raised our voices to call for peace.  However, at this moment, it is critically urgent that international solidarity networks be established with the women living in these conflict zones. 99 organisations from 31 countries have supported this urgent call and we have sent the following letter with their signatures to Turkish President and Prime Minister. We have also shared the Press Statement with the media in Turkey on 26th November 2015.

 

Honourable President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

Honourable Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu

The conflict in the eastern and south-eastern regions of Turkey has been causing civilians to lose their lives, be wounded, and has threatened their basic survival; women, girl-children and LGBTI are particularly affected. We are well aware from our own experience that this kind of escalating violence can greatly threaten women’s lives. This extremely worrying situation prompts us to act, as organisations working toward empowerment of women and LGBTI all over the world.

We remind you of Turkey’s international obligations under SR 1325, UN GA Res 65/283 (2011) co-sponsored by Turkey and Finland, and the most recent resolution adopted in Oct. 2015, Res. 2242, which call for the peaceful resolution of disputes, and for inclusivity and women’s participation specifically in peacemaking.

With this letter, we appeal to you to stop all attacks directed toward civilians in the country, we call on you return to ceasefire conditions and resume the dialogue and negotiation process that was initiated during the previous administration in 2013.

 

THE ORGANISATIONS MADE CALL FROM TURKEY

  1. Adana Women’s Shelter and Association for Solidarity/Consultation – Adana Kadın Dayanışma Merkezi ve Sığınma Evi Derneği
  2. Adıyaman Association of Women and Life – Adıyaman Kadın Yaşam Derneği
  3. Altı Nokta Kibele Wmen’s Magazine – Altı Nokta Kibele Kadın Dergisi /
  4. Amargi İzmir/ Amargi Izmir
  5. Amida Women’s Consultation Center/ Amida Kadın Danışma Merkezi
  6. Ankara Feminist Collective – Ankara Feminist Kolektif
  7. Antalya Women’s Consultation Center and Solidarity Association – Antalya Kadın Danışma Merkezi ve Dayanışma Derneği
  8. Ayvalık Independent Women’s Initiative – Ayvalık Bağımsız Kadın İnisiyatifi
  9. Women’s Peace Initiative – Barış İçin Kadın Girişimi (BIKG)
  10. Batman Women’s Solidarity Association – Batman Kadın Dayanışma Derneği
  11. Bodrum Women’s Solidarity Association – Bodrum Kadın Dayanışma Derneği
  12. Buca Evka -1 Women, Culture and Solidarity Association – Buca Evka-1 Kadın Kültür ve Dayanışma (BEKEV)
  13. Çiğli Evka -2 Women Culture Association – Çiğli Evka-2 Kadın Kültür Derneği (ÇEKEV)
  14. Ceren Women Association – Ceren Kadın Derneği
  15. Association to Combat Sexual Violence – Cinsel Şiddetle Mücadele Derneği
  16. Association for Gender Equality Watch – Cinsiyet Eşitliği İzleme Derneği (CEID)
  17. Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality Department of Women’s Politics – Diyarbakır Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kadın Politikaları Daire Başkanlığı
  18. Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality Department of Combat with Violence Against Women – Diyarbakır Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kadına Yönelik Şiddetle Mücadele Şube Müdürlüğü
  19. Ergani Selis Solidarity Foundation – Ergani Selis Dayanışma Derneği
  20. Women from Workers Movement Party – Emekçi Hareket Partili Kadınlar
  21. Erktolia – Erktolia
  22. Erzincan Katre Women’s Group – Erzincan Katre Kadın Oluşumu
  23. Esender Women Center / Ekin Wan Consultation Center – Esendere Kadın Merkezi / Ekin Wan Danışma Merkezi
  24. Home-Based Working Women’s Group – Ev Eksenli Çalışan Kadınlar Çalışma Grubunu
  25. Fethiye Free Women and Life Association – Fethiye Özgür Kadın ve Yaşam Derneği
  26. Filmmor Women’s Cooperative – Filmmor Kadın Kooperatifi
  27. Rainbow Women Association – Gökkuşağı Kadın Derneği
  28. Hebun LGBT Diyarbakır – Hebun LGBT Diyarbakır
  29. İstanbul LGBTT Solidarity Foundation -İstanbul LGBTT Dayanışma Derneği
  30. Human rights Association Women Sekretariat – İnsan Hakları Derneği Kadın Sekreterliği
  31. Human Rights Association (İHD) Ankara Branch Women’s Committee – İnsan Hakları Derneği Ankara Şube Kadın Komisyonu
  32. İmece House Workers’ Union – İmece Kadın Dayanışma Derneği
  33. Izmir Independent Women’s Initiative – İzmir Bağımsız Kadın İnisiyatifi
  34. Izmir Women’s Solidarity Association – İzmir Kadın Dayanışma Derneği
  35. Women’s Solidarity Foundation – Kadın Dayanışma Vakfı
  36. Women’s Education and Labor Association – Kadın Eğitim ve İstihdam Derneği (KEID)
  37. Women’s Labor and Employment Initiative Platform – Kadın Emeği ve İstihdamı Girişimi (KEİG) Platformu
  38. Feminist Researchers Studying Women’s Labor – Kadın Emeği Çalışan Feminist Araştırmacılar (KEFA)
  39. Women’s Labor Collective – Kadın Emeği Kolektifi
  40. Women for Women’s Human Rights – WWHR New Ways -Kadının İnsan Hakları-Yeni Çözümler Derneği (KIH-YÇ)
  41. Women’s Solidarity Foundation – Kadınlarla Dayanışma Vakfı (KADAV)
  42. Women’s Free Assembly – Kadın Özgürlük Meclisi (KÖM)
  43. Women Writers Association – Kadın Yazarlar Derneği
  44. Kaos Gay and Lesbian Cultural Research and Solidarity Association – Kaos Gey ve Lezbiyen Kültürel Araştırmalar ve Dayanışma Derneği (KAOS GL)
  45. Kapadokya Women’s Solidarity Association – Kapadokya Kadın Dayanışma Derneği
  46. Karya Women’s Association – Karya Kadın Derneği
  47. Confederation of Public Workers Union Women’s Assembly – KESK Kadın Meclisi
  48. Konak City Council Women’s Assembly – Konak Kent Konseyi Kadın meclisi
  49. Free Women’s Congress – Kongre ya Jinên Azad (KJA- Özgür Kadınlar Kongresi)
  50. Lambdaİstanbul LGBTI Solidarity Association – Lambdaistanbul LGBTİ Dayanışma Derneği
  51. Mardin Metropolitan Municipality Directorate of Women’s Policies – Mardin Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kadın Politikaları Başkanlığı
  52. Mardin Derik Peljin Women’s Center – Mardin Derik Peljin Kadın Merkezi
  53. Muğla Women’s “It’s My Labor” Association – Muğla Emek Benim Kadın Derneği
  54. Muğla Menteşe Women’s Assembly – Muğla Menteşe Kadın Meclisi
  55. Muş Women Association – Muş Kadın Derneği
  56. Muş Women’s Roof – Muş Kadın Çatısı Derneği
  57. Moira Sakarya Women’s Solidarity Association – Moira Sakarya Kadın Dayanışma Derneği
  58. Pink Life LGBTT Solidarity Association – Pembe Hayat LGBTT Dayanışma Derneği
  59. The Association of Social Policies, Gender Identity and Sexual Oriantation Studies- Sosyal Politikalar Cinsiyet Kimliği ve Cinsel Yönelim Çalışmaları Derneği
  60. Sosyalist Yeniden Kuruluş Partisi Kadın Meclisleri – Women’s Assemblies of Socialist Re-Creation Party
  61. Sosyalist Kadın Meclisleri – Socialist Women’s Assemblies
  62. Şırnak Municipality Zahide Women Consultation Center – Şırnak Belediyesi Zahide Kadın Danışma Merkezi
  63. Psychologists Association for§ Social Solidarity Women’s Committee – Toplumsal Dayanışma İçin Psikologlar Kadın Komisyonu (TODAP)
  64. Flying Broom Women’s Communication and Research Association – Uçan Süpürge Kadın İletişim ve Araştırma Derneği
  65. Life Cooperative for Women, Environment, Culture, and Management/Operation – Yaşam Kadın Çevre Kültür ve İşletme Kooperatifi (Yaka-Koop)
  66. Green Left Women – Yeşil Sol Kadınlar
  67. Yoğurtçu Women’s Forum – Yoğurtçu Kadın Forumu
  68. Women From the Federation of 78’s – 78’liler Federasyonu’ndan Kadınlar

 

ORGANISATONS FROM WORLD SUPPORTING THE CALL

  1. Aboriginal Rights Coalition – (Austria)
  2. Association of Women in Development (AWID)- (Canada)
  3. Asociación Egeria Desarrollo Social – (Spain)
  4. Autonomous Women’s Centre – (Serbia)
  5. Bridges of Peace International – (USA)
  6. Czech Women´s Lobby – (Czech Republic)
  7. Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies – (Pakistan, Sudan, Morocco, Tunisia, Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Lebanon, Malaysia, Jordan, Palestine, Phillipines, Algeria, Yemen, Turkey)
  8. Connectas-Brazil
  9. El Nadeem Center For Rehabilitation For Victims Of Violence –(Egypt)
  10. French Coordination for the European Women Lobby– (France)
  11. Gender at Work – (Canada)
  12. glokal e.V., Berlin – (Germany)
  13. Isis-Women’s International Cross Cultural Exchange (ISIS-WICCE) – (Uganda)
  14. Just Associates (JASS) – (USA)
  15. Justice, Human Rights and Gender, Civil Association – (Mexico)
  16. Lesbenberatung e.V.Berlin – (Germany)
  17. League of Women-Lawyers – (Tajikistan)
  18. Network for European Women’s Lobby – Serbia, (coalition of 27 women CSOs)
  19. Rural Women’s Network (RUWON) – (Nepal)
  20. Rutgers for Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights – (Nedherlands)
  21. Qadims Lumiere School and College Peshawar – (Pakistan)
  22. Urgent Action Fund for Women’s Human Rights – (USA)
  23. Slovene Union of University Women (SUUW) – (Slovenia)
  24. Sisters Arab Forum for Human Rights (SAF) – (Yemen)
  25. Women’s Lobby of Slovenia – (Slovenia)
  26. Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights – (Nedherlands)
  27. Widows for Peace through Democracy – (Britain)
  28. Women in Black against War-London Group- (Britain)
  29. VISION – (Pakistan)
  30. Women against Violence Network Serbia, (27 Kadın Örgütünün olduğu Koalisyon) – (Serbia)
  31. Združenje univerzitetnih izobraženk Slovenije (ZUIS) – (Slovenia)

[1] “İHD: 7 Haziran’dan Beri 262 Sivil Öldü” (İHD: “Since 7th June, 262 civilians killed), BİANET, 12 Nov. 2015; “İHD raporu: 7 Haziran’dan beri 602 kişi hayatını kaybetti”(İHD Report: 602 people lost their lives since 7th June), Demokrat Haber, 12 Nov. 2015

[2] “Savaşta, doğmamış çocuklar da ölüyor”(In war, even unborn children are dying), Evrensel, 11 Nov. 2015

 

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CSBR News from Member Organizations, Statements

Urgent Call for Support & Solidarity from Women’s and LGBTI Organizations in Turkey

19 November 2015

Violence in the Middle East and Turkey escalates with each passing day. While the world’s eyes turn to the tragic attacks in Paris, what we are experiencing at present in our country is much more extreme than the past, and we are deeply worried about what tomorrow will bring. It seems like our very future, our fundamental human rights, and the most basic right to life are under threat. For the past 40 years, Turkey has been in a state of war that has deeply affected our society, especially women and girl-children in eastern Turkey, and it has become impossible to prevent severe rights violations. Since Turkey’s June 7th 2015 general elections, in a context of escalating violence and military operations, which have continued after the recent November1stsnap elections, the Human Rights Association reports that: 262 civilian lives have been lost (602 lives in total, including soldiers, police and Kurdish militants); 759 people have been wounded; 5,713 have been detained; and 1,004 people arrested.[1]

In these conflicts in the Kurdish region, concentrated mostly in the provinces of Diyarbakır, Hakkari and Şırnak, in the towns of Cizre, Silvan, Nusaybin, Silopi and many others, some settlements have endured blockades and 24-hour curfews of over 10 days, threatening the lives of civilians, especially women, girl-children, and LGBTI people. While the people of these regions cannot even obtain the most basic necessities for life, like water, food, and electricity, thousands of them are being forced to leave their homes. Additionally, they cannot access health services: it has been reported that between August and October 2015, 300 women in the towns of Hakkari province (Şemdinli and Yüksekova) who could not leave their homes have had miscarriages or are in danger of suffering miscarriages due to the extreme stress and trauma they are undergoing.[2]

As Turkey’s women’s and LGBTI movements,we have repeatedly raised our voices to call for peace.  However, at this moment, it is critically urgent that international solidarity networks be established with the women living in these conflict zones. To do this together with your support, thesignatories to this statement (listed below) appeal to you:

  • To send the below letter to the President of the Turkish Republic (@RT_Erdogan) and the PM(‏@Ahmet_Davutoglu)to share our urgent demand
    • Sample tweet: Women and LGBTIs in Turkey insist on #PeaceNow! @RT_Erdogan‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬ @Ahmet_Davutoglu http://bit.ly/1l7A4RF
    • You can follow WWHR here: @kadinih
  • To send your signature, including the name of your organisation with the signature of a person in charge (if any), to add your voice to this urgent call for action to the e-mail address newways@wwhr.org by 24th

THE SIGNATORY ORGANISATIONS FROM TURKEY

  1. Adana Women’s Shelter and Association for Solidarity/Consultation – Adana Kadın Dayanışma Merkezi ve Sığınma Evi Derneği
  2. Adıyaman Association of Women and Life -Adıyaman Kadın Yaşam Derneği
  3. Altı Nokta Kibele Wmen’s Magazine – Altı Nokta Kibele Kadın Dergisi /
  4. Amargi İzmir/ AmargiIzmir
  5. AmidaWomen’sConsultation Center/ Amida Kadın Danışma Merkezi
  6. Ankara Feminist Collective – Ankara Feminist Kolektif
  7. Antalya Women’s Consultation Center and Solidarity Association – Antalya Kadın Danışma Merkezi ve Dayanışma Derneği
  8. Ayvalık Independent Women’s Initiative – Ayvalık Bağımsız Kadın İnisiyatifi
  9. Women’s Peace Initiative – Barış İçin Kadın Girişimi (BIKG)
  10. Batman Women’sSolidarityAssociation – Batman Kadın Dayanışma Derneği
  11. BucaEvka -1 Women, Culture and Solidarity Association – Buca Evka-1 KadınKültürveDayanışma (BEKEV)
  12. ÇiğliEvka -2 Women Culture Association – Çiğli Evka-2 KadınKültürDerneği (ÇEKEV)
  13. Ceren WomenAssociation – Ceren Kadın Derneği
  14. Association to Combat Sexual Violence – Cinsel Şiddetle Mücadele Derneği
  15. Association for Gender Equality Watch – Cinsiyet Eşitliği İzleme Derneği (CEID)
  16. Diyarbakır MetropolitanMunicipalityDepartment of Women’sPolitics – Diyarbakır Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kadın Politikaları Daire Başkanlığı
  17. Diyarbakır MetropolitanMunicipalityDepartment of Combat withViolenceAgainstWomen – Diyarbakır Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kadına Yönelik Şiddetle Mücadele Şube Müdürlüğü
  18. Ergani Selis Solidarity Foundation – Ergani Selis Dayanışma Derneği
  19. Women from Workers Movement Party – EmekçiHareketPartiliKadınlar
  20. Erktolia – Erktolia
  21. ErzincanKatre Women’s Group – Erzincan Katre Kadın Oluşumu
  22. EsenderWomen Center / Ekin WanConsultation Center – Esendere Kadın Merkezi / Ekin Wan Danışma Merkezi
  23. Fethiye Free Women and Life Association – Fethiye Özgür Kadın ve Yaşam Derneği
  24. Filmmor Women’s Cooperative – FilmmorKadınKooperatifi
  25. RainbowWomenAssociation – Gökkuşağı Kadın Derneği
  26. Hebun LGBT Diyarbakır – Hebun LGBT Diyarbakır
  27. İstanbul LGBTT Solidarity Foundation -İstanbul LGBTT Dayanışma Derneği
  28. Human Rights Association (İHD) Ankara Branch Women’s Committee – İnsanHaklarıDerneği Ankara ŞubeKadınKomisyonu
  29. İmece House Workers’ Union – İmece Kadın Dayanışma Derneği
  30. Izmir Independent Women’s Initiative – İzmir Bağımsız Kadın İnisiyatifi
  31. Izmir Women’s Solidarity Association – İzmir Kadın Dayanışma Derneği
  32. Women’s Solidarity Foundation – Kadın Dayanışma Vakfı
  33. Women’s Education and Labor Association – Kadın Eğitim ve İstihdam Derneği (KEID)
  34. Women’s Labor and Employment Initiative Platform – KadınEmeğiveİstihdamıGirişimi (KEİG) Platformu
  35. Feminist Researchers Studying Women’s Labor – KadınEmeğiÇalışan Feminist Araştırmacılar (KEFA)
  36. Women’s Labor Collective – Kadın Emeği Kolektifi
  37. WomenforWomen’s Human Rights – WWHR New Ways-Kadının İnsan Hakları-Yeni Çözümler Derneği (KIH-YÇ)
  38. Women’s Solidarity Foundation – Kadınlarla Dayanışma Vakfı (KADAV)
  39. Women’s Free Assembly – Kadın Özgürlük Meclisi (KÖM)
  40. Women Writers Association – KadınYazarlarDerneği
  41. Kaos Gay and Lesbian Cultural Research and Solidarity Association – KaosGeyveLezbiyenKültürelAraştırmalarveDayanışmaDerneği (KAOS GL)
  42. Kapadokya Women’s Solidarity Association – KapadokyaKadınDayanışmaDerneği
  43. Karya Women’s Counseling and Solidarity Association – Karya Kadın Danışma Merkezi ve Dayanışma Merkezi
  44. Confederation of Public Workers Union Women’s Assembly – KESK Kadın Meclisi
  45. Konak City Council Women’s Assembly – Konak Kent Konseyi Kadın meclisi
  46. FreeWomen’sCongress – Kongre ya Jinên Azad (KJA- Özgür Kadınlar Kongresi)
  47. Lambdaİstanbul LGBTI Solidarity Association – Lambdaistanbul LGBTİ DayanışmaDerneği
  48. Mardin MetropolitanMunicipalityDirectorate of Women’sPolicies – Mardin Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kadın Politikaları Başkanlığı
  49. Mardin Derik PeljinWomen’s Center – Mardin Derik Peljin Kadın Merkezi
  50. Muğla Women’s “It’s My Labor” Association – Muğla Emek Benim Kadın Derneği
  51. MuğlaMenteşe Women’s Assembly – MuğlaMenteşeKadınMeclisi
  52. Muş WomenAssociation – Muş Kadın Derneği
  53. Muş Women’s Roof- Muş Kadın Çatısı Derneği
  54. Pink Life LGBTT Solidarity Association – Pembe Hayat LGBTT Dayanışma Derneği
  55. Şırnak Municipality Zahide WomenConsultation Center – Şırnak Belediyesi Zahide Kadın Danışma Merkezi
  56. Sosyalist Yeniden Kuruluş Partisi Kadın Meclisleri – Women’sAssemblies of Socialist Re-CreationParty
  57. Sosyalist Kadın Meclisleri – SocialistWomen’sAssemblies
  58. Psychologists Association for§ Social Solidarity Women’s Committee – Toplumsal Dayanışma İçin Psikologlar Kadın Komisyonu(TODAP)
  59. Flying Broom Women’s Communication and Research Association – UçanSüpürgeKadınİletişimveAraştırmaDerneği
  60. Life Cooperative for Women, Environment, Culture, and Management/Operation – Yaşam Kadın Çevre Kültür ve İşletme Kooperatifi (Yaka-Koop)
  61. Green Left Women – Yeşil Sol Kadınlar
  62. Yoğurtçu Women’s Forum – YoğurtçuKadınForumu
  63. Women From the Federation of 78’s- 78’liler Federasyonu’ndan Kadınlar

 

THE LETTER TO SEND TO TURKISH GOVERNMENT

Honourable PresidentRecepTayyipErdoğan

Honourable Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu

The conflict in the eastern and south-eastern regions of Turkey has been causing civilians to lose their lives, be wounded, and has threatened their basic survival; women, girl-children and LGBTI are particularly affected. We are well aware from our own experience that this kind of escalating violence can greatly threaten women’s lives. This extremely worrying situation prompts us to act, as organisations working toward empowerment of women and LGBTI all over the world.

We remind you of Turkey’s international obligations under SR 1325, UN GA Res 65/283 (2011) co-sponsored by Turkey and Finland, and the most recent resolution adopted in Oct. 2015, Res. 2242, which call for the peaceful resolution of disputes, and for inclusivity and women’s participation specifically in peacemaking.

With this letter, we appeal to you to stop all attacks directed toward civilians in the country, we call on you return to ceasefire conditions and resume the dialogue and negotiation process that was initiated during the previous administration in 2013.

Respectfully,

Name of the Organisation

Person in charge (if any)

E-Signature (if any)

[1]“İHD: 7 Haziran’dan Beri 262 Sivil Öldü”(İHD: “Since 7th June, 262 civilianskilled), BİANET, 12 Nov. 2015; “İHD raporu: 7 Haziran’dan beri 602 kişi hayatını kaybetti”(İHD Report: 602 peoplelosttheirlives since 7th June), Demokrat Haber, 12 Nov. 2015

[2]“Savaşta, doğmamış çocuklar da ölüyor”(Inwar, evenunbornchildrenaredying), Evrensel, 11 Nov. 2015

CSBR CSBR Activities, News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Statements

CALL TO ACTION: Egyptian Journalist & Human Rights Defender Hossam Bahgat Must Be Released

9 November 2015

Call to Action: Egyptian Journalist & Human Rights Defender Hossam Bahgat Must Be Released

The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR) calls for the immediate release of Hossam Bahgat, and for any and all charges against him to be dropped without condition.

Hossam Bahgat is a leading Egyptian journalist and human rights defender, and is also the founder of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR). Hossam Bahgat is being unlawfully detained by the military prosecutor, with the location of his whereabouts unknown.

PLEASE TAKE ACTION in circulating the news, and writing to your governments and diplomatic missions, asking them to call for the immediate release of Hossam Bahgat. Please use the information provided below in your actions.


Background:

On Thursday 5 November, a ranked officer left a note summoning Hossam Bahgat to military intelligence unit 77 in Cairo’s eastern district of Nasr City, for 09h00 on Sunday November 8th. Hossam Baghat was accompanied by two friends to the summons, who saw him enter Unit 77 just after 09h30 on November 8th.

For the next eight hours, Hossam Bahgat was interrogated without legal counsel, his whereabouts unknown. It was later learned that he was transferred from the military intelligence unit to the military prosecution around midday. It was only after 17h30 that Bahgat was allowed to call lawyers of his choosing.

After that point, 15 human rights lawyers attended the on-going interrogation. His lawyers said that the military prosecutor had interrogated Hossam solely in connection with his writing and in particular the one investigative report he wrote for the online newspaper Mada Masr on 13 October 2015.

They said that the charges against him were Article 102 bis “deliberately spreading false information with the purpose of harming public order or public interest” and Article 188 “publishing, with malicious intent, false news that is likely to disturb public order.”


Violation of Constitutional Rights & Human Rights: In a statement on November 8th, Amnesty International said Bahgat’s interrogation “is a clear signal of the Egyptian authorities’ resolve to continue with their ferocious onslaught against independent journalism and civil society.”

It is well known that Egypt’s military intelligence had summoned a number of journalists in recent months under the auspices of a draconian ‘counter-terrorism’ law that criminalizes journalists who publish information that differs from the accounts of the Ministry of Defence.

However as Egypt’s civil society groups have noted, these interrogations have usually lasted a few hours, and often ended with a pledge from the journalist to commit to cease publications on specific topics.

The decision to detain Bahgat for 4-days on the basis of his journalism, after eight hours of interrogation without legal counsel, and then to refuse to release information on his whereabouts today, represents a clear move to intimidate civil society and a heightened attack on what little space for freedom of expression in Egypt remains.

The decision is also a gross violation of Hossam Bahgat’s constitutional and human rights, particularly Article 71 regarding freedom of publication of the 2014 Constitution, as well as Egypt’s responsibilities under Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

CSBR calls for the immediate release of Hossam Bahgat and for any and all charges against him to be dropped without condition. Please take action by contacting your governments today.


TAKE ACTION:

(1) WRITE/EMAIL/TELEPHONE your governments at home, as well as your government’s diplomatic missions in Egypt:

    • Please write/email/telephone your government, in any language, asking them to call for the immediate release of Hossam Baghat. Please use the information provided above in your appeals.
      • You can find the mailing addresses, email addresses, and telephone numbers of all government Embassies and Consulates within Egypt, as well as Egypt’s Embassies and Consulates abroad here: http://www.embassypages.com/egypt


(2) Spread the news and contact your governments on TWITTER:

    • Tweet the following message & a picture of Hossam Bahgat addressed to your government officials:

@_______ @______ @_______ must demand #Egypt government #FreeHossam immediately&unconditionally. http://bit.ly/1M3hUth

Egypt_Hossam Bahgat_Sq_0

 

(3) Share this release across your social media platforms

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For more information, please contact eipr@eipr.org

CSBR CSBR Activities, Headline, News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Statements

CSBR Statement in Support of Mak Nyah in Negeri Sembilan & Across Malaysia

CSBR-Statement

CSBR Statement in Support of Mak Nyah in Negeri Sembilan & Across Malaysia

The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR) expresses our solidarity with Mak Nyah in Negeri Sembilan state and across Malaysia, whose access to justice in the face of arbitrary arrests, detentions, and violations of their personhood, freedom of expression, and freedom of movement and public participation continues to be delayed.

Since 2010, trans women in the Negeri Sembilan state have been subjected to arbitrary arrest and violent detentions under Section 66 of the Negeri Sembilan Syariah Criminal Enactment 1992, which states that ‘any Muslim male person, who, in any public space, poses as a woman and wears a woman’s attire shall be guilty of an offense, and shall be liable upon conviction to a fine of up to MYR 1000 or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months, or to both’.  

In February 2011, three transgender women—Muhamad Juzaili Mohd Khamis, Shukur Jani, and Wan Fairol Ismail—filed a Judicial Review application on the constitutionality of Section 66, and a long, complex struggle to access justice in the formal court system began.[1] Almost four years later on 7 November 2014, the Court of Appeal delivered a landmark decision that Section 66 was incompatible with the Malaysian constitution, particularly Articles 5(1) regarding life and liberty, 8(1) regarding equality, 8(2) regarding gender discrimination, 9(2) regarding freedom of movement, 10(1)(a) regarding freedom of speech, assembly and association.

The Court of Appeal’s judicial reasoning was a strong affirmation of Mak Nyah communities’ rights to self-determination and dignity, and to equal protection under the law. The Court of Appeal’s reasoning was also important in recognizing that laws such as Section 66 that criminalize gender expression impact upon the rights of all persons, regardless of gender or religion, and cannot be used to undermine constitutional rights of Malaysian citizens.

Today, on 8 October 2015, the Federal Court of Malaysia has decided that the decision by the Court of Appeal cannot be upheld, on the basis of a technicality regarding judicial process. The Federal Court sided with the argument put forth by the Negeri Sembilan government that the High Court and the Court of Appeal erred in entertaining the judicial review, and that it should have been taken up by the Federal Court directly.

Despite the ruling, the atmosphere at the courthouse was not one of resignation. As Nisha Ayub shared with us after the judgement was delivered, “As a citizen of Malaysia reflecting on the judgement today, I’m trying to understand why this objection is only being raised now, and not at any of the original proceedings in the last four years. At the end of the day, they are just trying to find a scapegoat entry to say that this is not right. That is very clear, because we already won the case. So yes I feel disappointed, but at the same time I feel I’m still empowered because we got a good judgement. We as a community are empowered and can support each other through the legal procedures. They can say whatever they want to say, and we will continue fighting our way for rights.”

As respondent lawyer Aston Paiva shared, “The orders of the High Court and the Court of Appeal were set aside today, but what is important is that the reasoning of the Court of Appeal is still there. So if we do go back to the Courts, all we’re going to do is go back with the reasoning of Justice Hishamudin, Justice Azia Ali, and Justice Lim Yee Lan and say, ‘This is our case, you have to deal with the argument now’. And in that regard I am actually happy. The Court of Appeals’ decision on its substance was never overturned, just the procedural point.”

In terms of next steps, S. Thilaga of Justice for Sisters expressed that it would be important now to monitor the state enforcement of Section 66, and see whether the arrests and harassment of transgender communities under Section 66 would begin again. She highlighted that while after the Court of Appeals 2014 ruling, no further arrests of Mak Nyah in Negeri Sembilan were made as that would have contradicted the ruling, other Malaysian states that have similar laws criminalizing gender expression and identities have continued to arrest trans women at private gatherings, including weddings and birthday celebrations in private homes.

“In our mind, access to justice shouldn’t be this difficult, this tedious, this complex; it should be transparent and accountable. But despite the decision today, we are comforted by the fact that there are a lot of supporters, and people working to raise awareness on violence and discrimination faced by trans women and hope people will continue to speak out.”

The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies supports the on-going struggles to access justice for Mak Nyah in Negeri Sembilan state and across Malaysia. We join the call for the safety, security, and well-being of transgender communities to be upheld, and for an end to harassment, intimidation, arrests and detentions on the basis of gender identity and expression.

For more information about the court case and proceedings, contact Justice for Sisters at justiceforsisters@gmail.com.

* * * *

CSBR Featured, News from Member Organizations, Statements

ASEAN Disability Forum (ADF), Partners and Allies Respond to the UN Summit Outcome Document

ADF-ARROW-and-CREA_2-copy

Response to the Outcome Document for the UN Summit to adopt the Post-2015 Development Agenda by the ASEAN Disability Forum (ADF), Partners and Allies

We welcome the outcome document of the United Nations Summit for the adoption of the post-2015 development agenda, which is a result of the hard work and perseverance of the co-facilitators, Member States, UN agencies, civil society, Major Groups and other stakeholders.

We, as representatives from the ASEAN Disability Forum, our partners and allies would like to stress for more effective inclusion of people with disabilities not only within the outcome document but also in terms of implementation programmes. People with disabilities remain a marginalized community. Needs of people with disabilities remain invisible and not included within policy documents at all levels – global, regional and local. Within this, women with disabilities are further marginalized because of the double discrimination on the basis of gender and on disability.

We welcome the inclusion of human rights, gender equality and empowerment of all women and girls in the preamble. The document reaffirms the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD POA) and the Beijing Platform for Action (BPFA), and the follow up of these conferences. We would also like to stress for the inclusion of strong international commitments in declarations and documents including the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD), the Rio+20 document, CEDAW declaration, the MDGs and finally the Incheon strategy that are important documents our governments have ratified and signed on to.

Goal 3 talks about ensuring healthy lives and promoting wellbeing for all people at all ages. This is particularly of interest to People With Disabilities (PWDs) including women and girls with disabilities. Issues of maternal mortality and morbidity are further exacerbated for PWDs who are often denied access and information on maternal health services; women with disabilities are also more vulnerable to HIV and AIDS and other diseases. Further, forced sterilization, institutionalization and forced medical interventions are forms of violence that women with disabilities (WWDs) are subjected to. WWDs must be included in these discourses. Further, universal access to Sexual and Reproductive Health (SRH) services including family planning and other RH services, along with sexuality education will be incomplete if these do not include WWDs.

PWDs face a number of barriers including systemic barriers, attitudinal barriers (in families and in societies). Girls and women with disabilities also face additional barriers in schooling and education as they usually get left behind in comparison to men and boys. We therefore request for the need for better access to education for PWDs and especially for women and girls with disabilities in Goal 4 of the document. We call for better capacity development of teachers and instructors to be more sensitive to issues of disability. We call for our governments to look into specific challenges faced by PWDs in making education more inclusive for all.

There is greater need for inclusion of issues of PWDs within Goal 5 of the document, which addresses concerns on gender equality. 15% of the world’s populations are people with disabilities; within this more than half are women with disabilities (World Health Organisation). This population is therefore additionally vulnerable to risks of abuse, violence and also trafficking. These issues must therefore be more effectively included within the sustainable development agenda.

Goal 7 mentions important issues of energy. Accessibility can get severely affected by availability and access to energy. With inadequate access to energy, we won’t have good services at schools, offices, and markets etc. Lack of effective energy systems for cooking, can also affect PWD especially people with visual disability with smoke etc. Lack of accessible energy also leads to discrimination. For example, when lifts don’t work, PWD can’t come to work, can’t move around. Inadequate access to energy also affects transport systems and thus affects mobility especially for PWDs. Lack of mobility also affects sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) issues of WWD with less access to SRH services. We therefore recommend for assurance of existing energy for all services and buildings for transportation, better access to transportation and energy to operate devices, machines and to work with Disabled People’s Organisations (DPOs) to review the issues we have. Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) should include DPOs and key persons in disability movement.

Most often for PWDs, systemic and structural barriers lead people to feel ‘disabled’ instead of the disability itself. In Goal 9, which addresses the need for building resilient infrastructure, we call for better inclusion of concerns of people with disabilities. It is important to look at better physical environments in the construction of buildings and roads for better mobility. This would help in enhancing lives of PWDs and enable better and independent living facilities. Dealing with physical environment is a crucial cause of our disability. PWD may not feel they are disabled. Infrastructure doesn’t only include building and environment accessible. It also includes attitudes of society – this affects access of WWD. We call for developing inclusive societies and infrastructures so that data systems do not leave PWDs and WWDs out.

Goal 13 mentions combating climate change and its impact on people. PWDs as a community are worst affected in conditions of climate change and disaster situations. When PWD are impacted from disaster, they have less access to reach safe spaces for shelter. In a family with two or more children, families often protect non-disabled children first thus jeopardizing lives of children with disabilities further. In an example in Cambodia, during a disaster situation, PWDs had to face additional challenges with inaccessible toilets and safe shelter spaces. Shelters were often higher to reach thus making PWDs including people with visual impairments and people using wheelchairs extremely vulnerable. People also need to be transported from islands (in situations of disaster) to safe spaces and often these situations exacerbate concerns of PWDs. We therefore call for improving education and better preparation for disaster relief and in places of climate change. More effective planning must be made to include PWD and especially WWDs better. Capacities of government authorities must be developed so they have the additional knowledge and empathetic understanding towards concerns of PWDs in their programmes.

Goal 16 promoting peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development will not be possible without including it in national levels laws and policies. We recommend better systems of sign language and other inclusive modes of communication including audio-visual materials. We also need better access to information and communication on access to justice including education officers working on laws and policies. We also need more focus on criminal justice systems including police, lawyers and judiciary.

We recommend better and disaggregated methods of data collections to include issues of PWDs more effectively. We need better qualitative and quantitative methods of generating evidence-based research on PWDs.

Lastly, we reiterate and emphasize the inclusion and full participation of PWDs in all planning, organizing, and implementation of the sustainable development agenda to make this truly transformative and reaching out to marginalized communities including people with disabilities.

Signed:

ARROW: The Asian-Pacific Resource and Research Centre for Women (ARROW) is a regional non-profit women’s organization based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. We work towards achieving sexual and reproductive health and rights for all through monitoring and evidence-based research for better advocacy, building strong and effective partnerships and networks, knowledge sharing through information and communication and building, and improving organizational systems for better outcomes.

ASEAN Disability Forum: The ASEAN Disability Forum (ADF) is a network composed by DPOs of the ASEAN region. It is a platform, where DPOs coordinate actions to advocate for disability inclusive policy formulation and implementation.

CREA, India: CREA is a feminist human rights organisation based in New Delhi, India. Together with partners from a diverse range of human rights movements and networks, CREA works to advance the rights of women and girls, and the sexual and reproductive freedoms of all people.

Endorsed by:

Carol Yong, Independent researcher, Malaysia
Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR), International
Indonesian Women’s Association for Justice (APIK), Indonesia
Kamayani Bali Mahabal, Feminist and Human rights activist, Mumbai, India
Muntada – the Arab Forum for Sexuality Education & Health, Palestine
Samarthyam, India
VISION, Pakistan
Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO), Malaysia
Women for Women’s Human Rights – New Ways, Turkey
Khedija Arfaoui, Freelance feminist researcher and activist, Tunisia

CSBR News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Statements

Twelve UN agencies issue unprecedented joint statement on rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender & intersex people

GENEVA (29 September 2015) – In an unprecedented joint initiative, 12 UN agencies* today issued a powerful joint call to action on ending violence and discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) adults, adolescents and children.

“This is the first time that so many members of the UN family have joined forces in defence of the basic rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people,” said the UN Human Rights Office’s Chief of Global Issues, Charles Radcliffe. “It’s both an expression of commitment on the part of UN agencies, and a powerful call to action for Governments around the world to do more to tackle homophobic and transphobic violence and discrimination and abuses against intersex people.”

The statement highlights the link between human rights abuses against LGBTI people and ill health, family break-up, social and economic exclusion and lost opportunities for development and economic growth. It sets out specific steps that Governments, in particular, should take to curb violence and protect individuals from discrimination – including measures to improve the investigation and reporting of hate crimes, torture and ill-treatment, prohibit discrimination, and review and repeal all laws used to arrest, punish or discriminate against people on the basis of their sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression.

“Violence and discrimination against people based on sexual orientation, gender identity and biological sex characteristics violate their human rights and impoverish whole communities. That is why United Nations agencies working across such a wide range of areas – from human rights to health, education, employment, development, children’s rights, gender equality, food security and refugees – have come together to push for change,” Radcliffe said. “While the symbolism of this is important, the practical recommendations we are putting forward are more important. We hope this statement can provide a blueprint to Governments, as well as to UN teams on the ground in countries around the world,” he added.

The joint UN statement on “Ending Violence and Discrimination against Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex People” has been endorsed by 12 UN entities: the International Labour Organization (ILO), the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) Secretariat, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the United Nations Fund for Children (UNICEF), the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), UN Women, the World Food Programme (WFP) and the World Health Organization (WHO).

ENDS

* To read the statement, please visit: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Discrimination/Pages/JointLGBTIstatement.aspx

CSBR News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Statements

Communiqué: STOP à l’humiliation et à l’atteinte à la vie privée des citoyennes et des citoyens

Tunis le 29 septembre 2015

Communiqué
STOP à  l’humiliation et à l’atteinte à la vie privée des citoyennes et des citoyens

Les associations signataires, portent à la connaissance des autorités publiques, des organismes de défense des droits humains, des associations, des médias et de l’opinion publique, le communiqué suivant :

Aujourd’hui, l’article 230 du code pénal fait encore une fois des ravages, condamnant cette fois un jeune homme de 22 ans.

Arrêté depuis le 06 Septembre 2015, le jeune homme a subi des interrogatoires attentant à sa vie privée et son orientation sexuelle ainsi qu’une violation de ses correspondances par la lecture de messages personnels (sms) sur son téléphone cellulaire ;

Il a dû, en outre, subir un test anal pour “prouver son homosexualité”, ce qui constitue un acte de torture selon le comité des Nations Unies de lutte contre la torture ; et que les associations signataires considèrent un acte de viol ;

La Tunisie étant un pays signataire de la déclaration universelle des droits humains, des pactes des droits de l’Homme et de la convention de lutte contre la torture,  ces pratiques sont une atteinte aux droits humains ainsi qu’aux droits garantis par la constitution tunisienne.

Nous rappelons dans ce cadre les articles 21, 23 et 24 de la constitution:

“Article 21: Les citoyens et les citoyennes sont égaux en droits et en devoirs. Ils sont égaux devant la loi sans discrimination. L’État garantit aux citoyens les libertés et les droits individuels et collectifs. Il veille à leur assurer les conditions d’une vie digne.

Article 23 : L’État protège la dignité de l’être humain et son intégrité physique et interdit la torture morale ou physique. Le crime de torture est imprescriptible.

Article 24 : L’État protège la vie privée, l’inviolabilité du domicile et le secret des correspondances, des communications et des données personnelles…”

Nous condamnons fermement ces faits et exigeons la libération immédiate de l’homme en question. Nous exigeons également l’abrogation de l’article 230 du code pénal tunisien, comme étant une disposition inconstitutionnelle et non conforme aux dispositions des conventions internationales dûment ratifiées par la Tunisie.

———————-

                                                                                              Tunis September 29, 2015

Press release
STOP the humiliation and the violation of privacy of the citizens

The signatory organizations have made the following statement, which is addressed to the authorities, human rights organizations, associations, media and public audience:

Today, the Article 230 of the Tunisian penal code is once again violating private rights, this time by condemning a young man of 22 years old.

During his arrest since September 6, 2015, the young man has been interrogated by the police about details on his private life and his sexual orientation. The police have furthermore been violating his privacy by reading personal messages on his cell phone (sms).

The young man was forced to be subjected to an anal test in order for the police to “prove his homosexuality”. This constitutes an act of torture according to the United Nations committee against torture, and the signatory associations consider it as an act of rape.

Given that Tunisia is a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Covenants on Human Rights and the Convention against torture, such practices are therefore a violation of human rights and the rights guaranteed by the Tunisian constitution.

We recall in this context articles 21, 23 and 24 of the constitution:

Article 21: All citizens, male and female, have equal rights and duties, and are equal before the law without any discrimination. The state guarantees freedoms and individual and collective rights to all citizens, and provides all citizens the conditions for a dignified life.

Article 23: The state protects human dignity and physical integrity, and prohibits mental and physical torture. Crimes of torture are not subject to any statute of limitations.

Article 24: The state protects the right to privacy and the inviolability of the home, and the confidentiality of correspondence, communications, and personal information. Every citizen has the right to choose their place of residence, to free movement within the country, and the right to leave the country. ”

We strongly condemn these acts and demand the immediate release of the young man in question. We also demand the repeal of Article 230 of the Tunisian Penal Code as a provision, which is unconstitutional and inconsistent with provisions of international conventions duly ratified byTunisia.

——

Les associations signataires :
– L’ssociation tunisienne de défense des libertés individuelles
– L’association tunisienne de promotion du droit à la différence
– Mawjoudin
– Damj
– Chouf
– Without restrictions
– Arken

 

CSBR Featured, News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Statements

Joint Statement by UN experts on SRHR & the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development

 

Joint Statement by UN human rights experts*, the Rapporteur on the Rights of Women of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the Special Rapporteurs on the Rights of Women and Human Rights Defenders of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights

* The UN Special Rapporteurs on the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, on the situation of human rights defenders, on violence against women, its causes and consequences, and the Working Group on discrimination against women in law and in practice.

* * *

“The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its implementation mark a unique opportunity to ensure full respect for sexual and reproductive health and rights which must be seized”

GENEVA, BANJUL, WASHINGTON D.C. (24 September 2015) – On the occasion of the high-level summit to officially launch the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, a group of international and regional human rights experts* call on States, in implementing the Agenda, to seize the opportunity to recommit to and ensure the full respect, protection and fulfillment of sexual and reproductive health and rights.

Sexual and reproductive health and rights are based on universally accepted human rights standards, as codified in international and regional treaties, as well as in international political consensus documents such as the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development, and the Platform of Action of the Fourth World Conference on Women.

Yet despite clear obligations of States to respect, protect and fulfill rights related to women’s sexual and reproductive health, violations remain frequent and widespread across all regions in the world. These take many forms including denial of access to goods and services that only women require, subjecting women’s and adolescent’s access to services to third party authorization, poor quality reproductive health services, harmful practices, and performance of procedures without a woman’s informed consent.

We commend the adoption of the 2030 Agenda, which ushers in a universal and people-centric approach to sustainable development that is fully grounded in international human rights law. Central to the Agenda is combatting inequalities and discrimination, including the elimination of discriminatory laws, policies and practices, which often lie at the heart of violations against women’s sexual and reproductive health and rights. We note with appreciation commitments to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health care services, including family planning, information and education. However, we deeply regret the decision by States not to advance a more expansive and explicit recognition of sexual and reproductive health and rights, despite committing to implement the Agenda in a manner consistent with their human rights obligations.

A key lesson of the Millennium Development Goals has been in the area of maternal mortality. Today, we observe an increased understanding, including through work undertaken at the Human Rights Council, of the fact that tackling the crisis of maternal deaths requires action to respect, protect and fulfill the full spectrum of women’s human rights. According to the World Health Organization, every day approximately 800 women die from preventable causes related to pregnancy and childbirth, which violate their rights to life and to personal integrity.

We recommend that States utilize the guidance from the Human Rights Council in order to better protect human rights, and also achieve their commitments under the 2030 Agenda. Patterns of maternal mortality are not inevitable: this is the result of discriminatory laws and practices, as well as institutional arrangements that compound poverty, which are fundamental issues of rights and justice. Moreover, the cost of maternal mortality outstrips the cost of ensuring appropriate pre-natal and post-natal care.

Unsafe abortion is one of the leading causes of maternal mortality and morbidity. The criminalization of or other failure to provide services that only women require, such as abortion and emergency contraception, constitute discrimination based on sex, and is impermissible. We are deeply concerned by reports of women who have been imprisoned for seeking emergency health services, including due to miscarriages, experience institutional abuse and discrimination by health service providers as a result of public policies and laws or on grounds of social and economic status, or are reported on or denounced by their doctors to the authorities. We call on States to consider diligently the discriminatory and public health effects of laws which criminalize abortion in all circumstances, to remove punitive measures for women who undergo abortion, and at the very minimum, legalize abortion in cases of sexual assault, rape, incest, and where the continued pregnancy endangers the mental and physical health of the woman or the life of the woman. Moreover, women should always be provided with access to safe, quality post-abortion care.

Violence against women, harmful gender stereotypes and multiple and intersectional forms of discrimination based on sex and gender lead to the violation of women’s sexual and reproductive health rights. In this respect, we are pleased to see commitments in the Agenda to eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls in the public and private spheres, including all harmful practices, such as child and forced marriage and female genital mutilation. We urge States to take all practical and legislative measures to prevent, prohibit, and punish such acts and guarantee redress. States should also address acts of obstetric and institutional violence suffered by women in health care facilities, including with respect to forced or coerced sterilization procedures, refusal to administer pain reliefdisrespect and abuse of women seeking healthcare and reported cases of women being hit whilst giving birth. We are deeply disturbed by reports of women being shackled to their hospital beds whilst giving birth in prison, or when suspected of having had an abortion.

We appreciate the emphasis in the Agenda on the empowerment of women and girls and underline that this is key to the fulfillment of their sexual and reproductive health and rights. Respecting women’s autonomy, integrity and their capacity to make informed decisions about their health involves women’s equal rights in deciding freely and responsibly on the number and spacing of their children and to have access to the information, education and means to enable them to exercise these rights. Women should be able to exercise these rights with respect for their privacy and confidentiality. States have an obligation to take concrete measures to address barriers faced by adolescent girls in particular, such as harmful gender stereotypes, discriminatory attitudes and censorship, in accessing comprehensive and evidence-based information on sexuality and reproduction. This should include timely information and education on responsible sexual behavior, prevention of early and unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections, including HIV/AIDS. Adolescents need services that respond to their specific sexual and reproductive health needs, ensure that they continue and complete their education, and address the stigmatization and added health risks of early marriage to which they might be exposed.

Additionally, women human rights defenders should receive protection against gender-specific threats and violence they may face due to their work on sexual and reproductive health and rights and their challenging of deep-seated patriarchal structures and societal gender norms. They should also be empowered, through safe, enabling and supporting environments to hold States accountable to their human rights obligations and commitments under this Agenda. This must include meaningful participation in discussions on the accountability framework, as well as in the implementation and monitoring, of the Agenda.

We call on all States across all regions, in implementing this historic Agenda, to seize this unique opportunity to renew their commitments and ensure the full respect, protection and fulfillment of women’s sexual and reproductive health and rights.

See the press release http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=16491&LangID=E

ENDS

(*) The UN experts: Mr. Dainius Puras, Special Rapporteur on the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, Mr. Michel Forst, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Ms. Dubravka Šimonovic, Special Rapporteur on violence against Women, its Causes and Consequences, Ms. Eleonora Zielinska, Chairperson of the Working Group on discrimination against women in law and in practice; ACHPR experts: Ms. Reine Alapini-Gansou, Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders in Africa, Ms. Soyata Maiga, Special Rapporteur on Rights of Women; Inter-American Commission on Human Rights expert:Ms. Tracy Robinson, Rapporteur on the Rights of Women.

The United Nations human rights experts are part of what it is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights, is the general name of the independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms of the Human Rights Council that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Learn more: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/SP/Pages/Welcomepage.aspx

A principal, autonomous body of the Organization of American States (OAS), the IACHR derives its mandate from the OAS Charter and the American Convention on Human Rights. The Inter-American Commission has a mandate to promote respect for human rights in the region and acts as a consultative body to the OAS in this area. The Commission is composed of seven independent members who are elected in an individual capacity by the OAS General Assembly and who do not represent their countries of origin or residence. Learn more:www.iachr.org

The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights was established by the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The Commission consists of 11 members elected by the AU Assembly from experts nominated by the state parties to the Charter. The Commission created subsidiary mechanisms such as special rapporteurs, committees, and working groups to achieve its objectives of promoting and protecting human rights on the continent. The Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders was established by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights with the adoption of Resolution 69 at the 35th Ordinary Session held in Banjul, The Gambia from 21st May to 4th June 2004. Learn More: http://www.achpr.org/

For further information and media requests, please contact:
UN experts: Ms. Hannah Wu (+41 22 917 91 52 / hwu@ohchr.org)
IACHR: Ms. María Isabel Rivero (+202 370 9001 / MRivero@oas.org)

UN Human Rights, follow us on social media:
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/unitednationshumanrights 
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Check the Universal Human Rights Index: http://uhri.ohchr.org/en

___________

Technical guidance on the application of a human rights-based approach to the implementation of policies and programmes to reduce preventable maternal morbidity and mortality, (2 July 2012), A/HRC/21/22.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, in its Statement on the ICPD Beyond 2014 Process of February 2014, called on States parties to remove punitive measures for women who undergo abortion.

See in particular, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, General Comments on Article 14 (1) (d) and (e) of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, 2013.

See also Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), Access to Information on Reproductive Health from a Human Rights Perspective, 22 November 2011, OEA Ser.L/V/II.Doc.61, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/51ff72434.html[accessed 29 August 2015]

 * * * *

Reposted from: UNOHCHR

CSBR News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Statements

Malaysia PM’s statement disregarding the universality of human rights as potentially dangerous to LGBTIQ persons

25 August 2015

The ASEAN Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity and Gender Expression (SOGIE) Caucus expresses serious concern over the recent statement of Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak challenging the universality of human rights. Such statement reflects a reality that the ghost of “Asian values”, which limits the application of human rights, continue to haunt the region.

20150424_175946-2
LGBTIQ activists joined the 2015 ACSC/APF solidarity march

In his statement last 18 August 2015, the Malaysian PM said that the government cannot defend the extreme aspects of human rights including the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) persons. Such statement is a clear, blatant and gross disregard of its duty under international law.

Malaysia has the duty to respect the rights of all people. It is important to note that Malaysia, being a member of the United Nations, has pledged to promote and respect human rights and fundamental freedoms for all persons as further elaborated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).

We view PM Najib’s statement as dangerous to LGBTIQ persons in ASEAN by further legitimizing and affirming the on-going discrimination and violence, directly or indirectly. By denying human rights for LGBTIQ persons, he is indirectly inciting acts of hatred in the name of culture and religion.

The statement was issued based on a domestic context where serious discrimination and violence have been undertaken against LGBT persons. The Malaysian government continues to enforce Sha’riah laws that criminalize transgender persons for cross-dressing. Meanwhile, in addition to Malaysia, several countries in ASEAN, including Brunei, Myanmar and Singapore, criminalize acts of consensual same-sex relations.

We also view PM Najib’s statement as reflective of problematic human rights discourse promoted by ASEAN. The ASEAN Human Rights Declaration, considered as a regional human rights standard, by subjecting the interpretation of human rights to a country’s specific social, cultural and religious backgrounds.

We affirm the universality of human rights. Such is an important principle to ensure that the rights of marginalized persons, including LGBTIs, are guaranteed.

We believe that any interpretation of and application of human rights principles should be done with a view of promoting the dignity of all persons and not legitimizing any form of violence and discrimination against them.

—

By: The ASEAN SOGIE Caucus

CSBR CSBR Activities, Featured, Statements

1100 Organizations & Individuals ask Amnesty International to support decriminalization of sex work

CSBR joined over 200 human rights organizations from across the world to support the open letter by the International Committee on the Rights of Sex Workers in Europe (ICRSE), which urges Amnesty International Board of Directors to support their draft policy on decriminalization of sex work. The letter was also signed by over 800 individuals. ICRSE logo

Download the PDF with full letter, briefing note and endorsements: /sites/default/files/userfiles/files/ICRSE letter and briefing note to AI ICM Dublin August 2015.pdf

Read the article by ICRSE in the Guardian Development: http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2015/aug/04/amnesty-must-stand-firm-decriminalising-sex-work
Continue reading “1100 Organizations & Individuals ask Amnesty International to support decriminalization of sex work” →

CSBR CSBR Activities, Featured, News from Member Organizations, Statements

Statement delivered by Pinar Ilkkaracan on behalf of CSBR & the Women’s Major Group at Post-2015 Negotiations

Statement delivered by Pinar Ilkkaracan on behalf of CSBR & the Women’s Major Group at the Post-2015 negotiations in New York.

—–

July 28th, 2015

Thank you Ambassador Kamau and Ambassador Donoghue for this meeting.

We thank you very much for the recognition and inclusion of gender equality as a cross-cutting issue throughout the document and the reference to realization of gender equality in the preamble. We appreciate deeply that you have heard our voice.

We also thank you for the inclusion of references to the Beijing Platform for Action, the Program of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development and the outcome documents of their respective reviews in paragraph 12.

We would like to ask for your support to retain these references in their entirety. Beijing, ICPD and the outcome documents of their reviews constitute two decades of negotiations, accumulated knowledge and experience guiding necessary action on gender equality, health, population and development. They serve as the basis and framework of goals 3 and 5.

If our hard-fought stand-alone goal on gender equality, along with its targets, is not placed within the general framework of Beijing, ICPD and their reviews, it will attain a rather much limited and inadequate quality. In that case, it will not be a step forward, but rather a step backward in women’s and girls’ decades of struggle for the realization of gender equality.

We thank you again for the historical success you have accomplished and your support in the last three years.

—–

Reposted from Sustainabledevelopment.un.org

CSBR Headline, News from Member Organizations, News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Statements

Statement on the Resolution on the Protection of the Family at the UN Human Rights Council, 29th Session, Geneva

In July 2015, Asian-Pacific Resource & Research Centre for Women (ARROW) delivered a Statement on the Resolution on the Protection of the Family at the UN Human Rights Council, 29th Session, Geneva.

ARROW’s statement, endorsed by 58 organizations worldwide, outlined key civil society concerns regarding the limitations and problematic framing of the text of the resolution. The statement calls on governments and the international community to recognize and respect the differences and diversity that exist among families all around the world so that laws and policies may adequately address their concerns, and services and interventions may be directed to prevent and eliminate discrimination and violence irrespective of their diversity.

Despite repeated calls for amendments and even the withdrawal of the Protection of the Family resolution by member states at the 29th session, the resolution was adopted on 3 July 2015.

ARROW’s statement with the list of signatories as a PDF here, and the text copied below.

See Sexual Rights Initiative’s response to the passing of the resolution and details of the voting processes here.

***

Statement on the Resolution on the Protection of the Family at the Human Rights Council 29th Session Geneva

At ARROW, an NGO based in Malaysia, we have been working to advance women’s health and rights, empowering women through information and knowledge, monitoring international commitments, advocacy and mobilisation along with our national partners across the Asia-Pacific region, regional partners from the global South and allies from the global North.

ARROW, together with hits partners and allies, present this statement on the Resolution on the Protection of the Family tabled on June 15, 2015, led by Egypt with the support of Bangladesh, Belarus, Cote d’Ivoire, People’s Republic of China, El Salvador, Mauritania, Morocco, Namibia, Saudi Arabia, Sierra Leone, Tunisia, Uganda, Qatar, and the Russian Federation.

Firstly, we commend the acknowledgement of human rights treaties and laws that oblige State Parties to ensure human rights of all. Further, the recognition of the Beijing Platform for Action and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women in the Resolution recognizes the essentiality of ensuring gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls.

We reiterate that the family needs to be discussed beyond narrow ideas of ‘marriage’ or ‘marriage between a man and woman’ alone, so as not to exclude all other families that may not have their origins in marriage (including single-parent families, child-headed families, extended families, families of divorced individuals, same-sex families, intergenerational families, families headed by children orphaned by AIDS or grandparents, among others) thus implying that these families are not entitled to similar protection. Therefore, efforts towards ensuring necessary protection and assistance to families must ensure that all forms of families are recognised, protected and provided for without coercion and exclusion. We also believe that narrow formulations will marginalise people including sexual and gender minorities, single-headed households, child-headed families, families of HIV orphans amongst others.

We call for the recognition of the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) into the list of recognized and cited obligatory mechanisms in the Resolution. Additionally, Principle 9 in CPD 1994, which upheld the family as the basic unit of society that is entitled to receive comprehensive protection and support and must be strengthened, should be highlighted in this regard.

We remind State Parties of the calls for recognition of diversity amongst families in form and function in different countries and regions, the inclusion of individual preference and societal conditions during the International Year of the Family in 1994. We also state that any commemorations should promote basic human rights and fundamental freedoms as set out in international instruments in whatever status of individuals and in whatever form of the family. It recognises the caregivers’ role and fostering of equality between women and men within families, to bring about a fuller sharing of domestic responsibilities and employment opportunities.

While we commend the recognition of responsibilities of the family, in order for this to happen gender equality for women and girls has to be ensured throughout the life cycle, including the recognition and realisation of their sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). Women and girls have to have choices and be able to realise their full human rights, within an atmosphere of safety and security in the family, where they are free from violence, abuse and coercion.

While we welcome the focus on gender equality and empowerment including maternal health, it is insufficient to ensure meaningful equality and empowerment for women. Some of the main causes of maternal mortality and morbidity include abortion-related injuries, restrictive and inadequate abortion policies, unavailability of safe, legal abortion services without conditions. These issues must be considered in order to break out of the cycle of poverty and have opportunities to improve overall wellbeing such as quality education, including comprehensive sexuality education. Gender equality thus cannot be achieved without ensuring SRHR of all women and girls and must be considered a fundamental right.

Discussions related to the Post-2015 development agenda should uphold and ensure the full realisation of human rights for women and girls, protection against violence, including that brought about by all forms of extremisms and practices brought on by extreme interpretations of religion as well as ensuring the realisation of SRHR for all. Additionally, they must address inequalities within the family and practices that are brought on by such inequalities.

In calling for the strengthening of national capacities to address national priorities relating to family issues, the resolution uses a narrow definition, thus ignoring sexually diverse groups and their rights related to cohabitation and having children. The fact that sexual diversity continues to be criminialised in many countries is further proof of the refusal to recognize that in different contexts, various forms of the family exist and should be protected and upheld.

At the same time, State parties should not interpret the preservation of cultural identity, traditions, morals, heritage and value system of the society in a manner that limits the potential of women and girls within the family and society, entrenching inequalities and gender biases within the family and society at large. Furthermore, a focus on preserving these helps to conceal human rights violations and abuses such as marital rape, child abuse, early marriages, incest and honour killings that occur within families. Individuals within the family have to be seen as right holders in their own right.

We call attention towards mention of reductions in social expenditure in the Resolution that often affects social sectors such as health, including reductions in expenditure on women’s health services. Overall health care and access to good health care including sexual and reproductive health care are essential for women and girls empowerment.

The Resolution calls for placing the choice of education in the hands of parents but this leaves room for decisions regarding the exclusion of Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) in formal or informal curricular development and delivery. This is noted particularly in relation to protecting the health and wellbeing of girls who are often seen as the guardians of family honour. In relation to such views, CSE would be considered inappropriate for boys and girls within notions of corrupting young minds and encouraging sexual activity rather than a means to empowering them with much needed information to make decisions about their own bodies and sexual choices.

We therefore call on governments and the international community to recognize and respect the differences and diversity that exist among families all around the world so that laws and policies may adequately address their concerns, and services and interventions may be directed to prevent and eliminate discrimination and violence irrespective of their diversity.

***

CSBR Featured, News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Statements

Response to Illegal block of Istanbul Pride 2015

Illegal Block of Istanbul Pride 2015

The Istanbul LGBTI Pride Parade has been held for thirteen years. Yet this year the Istanbul Governor’s Office blocked the parade, citing the fact that it coincided with Ramadan. The use of Ramadan, the Islamic month of fasting, as an excuse to curtail the freedoms of assembly, demonstration, and speech is a clear violation of rule of law. In taking this illegal decision, the Governor’s Office has thus broken the law.

In applying the governor’s illegal order, law enforcement officials, too, became accomplices in a crime. They attacked tens of thousands of people with tear gas, riot-control vehicles, and plastic bullets, even though those people had come to assemble peacefully, just as they had last year. Law enforcement officials violated their legal obligations by carrying out the unconstitutional and illegal order handed down by the Istanbul governor’s office. Indeed, on the day of the attack, many police officers lacked helmets and registration numbers that would have helped identify them.

Moreover, the decision to block the parade because of Ramadan artificially inflames tensions by presenting LGBTI status and Muslim faith as if they were supposedly two opposing identities. It purposely ignores the fact that LGBTI individuals can come from all walks of life and aims to demonize them in the eyes of the wider public, preparing the ground for future attacks against LGBTI individuals. The government and the governor’s office will thus be held directly responsible for any attacks against LGBTI individuals that may be committed from this point on.

In a statement following the events, the Istanbul Governor’s Office stated that it had not received any notification about the parade and also that it had felt that certain groups were going to react violently to the parade.

First, if there was indeed credible information that an outside attack was to occur, it is the duty of the governor and of law enforcement to take measures to prevent such an attack, not to themselves attack the group exercising its right to assemble.

Second, Law No. 2911 on Assembly, Demonstrations, and Parades, as well as the relevant article of the constitution, are both entirely clear: Such assemblies are not subject to the prior permission of the governor’s office, nor is there even any obligation to notify the authorities. The 13th annual LGBTI Pride Parade planned for Sunday, 28 June in Taksim Square, was thus not in violation of any law. Moreover, after the parade itself was blocked, law enforcement continued to attack people gathered on the streets for hours. The streets and venues where the Pride Party was being held were attacked by police using gas canisters and plastic bullets long into the night. Such behavior on the part of the police goes beyond merely preventing an “unannounced” parade: It shows that this was an attack on our identities and our very existence.

Hundreds of people who came to participate in the parade were affected or harmed by the attacks, some with injuries serious enough to warrant hospital reports. We would like to take this opportunity to wish a speedy recovery to all of our friends and supporters who were victims of police violence on Sunday. For years, the state purposely ignored systematic violence being inflicted on LGBTI individuals and even reduced the punishments faced by perpetrators; now it is the state itself that has directly and physically attacked the existence of LGBTI individuals in Turkey.

Furthermore, we fail to understand how the same government that assured the United Nations on Friday (26 June) that it would protect LGBTI rights could on Sunday (28 June) go and attack the 13th annual Istanbul LGBTI Pride Parade without providing a legal justification. At the UN meeting on Friday, Turkey approved Norway’s proposal that “Turkey should carry out its human-rights obligations by ensuring that LGBTI individuals and non-governmental organizations are included in the process.” It also declared that it would carry out all proposals approved within the framework of the United Nations. A mere two days later, however, the government acted in violation of these proposals.

We repeat: We were here before, we are here now, and we will always be here!

Turkey has held an LGBTI Pride Parade for thirteen years. It is just one of the many activities of Istanbul LGBTI Pride Week in late June, which has been held for 23 years to mark the anniversary of the 1969 Stonewall Riots. It will continue to take place next year and every year thereafter. We will persist in our struggle for existence regardless of the government in power. We will continue to resist all forms of oppression, as we have for years.

We’re here to stay, so get used to it!

At 12:30 on Thursday, 2 July, we will file an official criminal complaint at the Çağlayan Courthouse in Istanbul against Interior Minister Sebahattin Öztürk, Istanbul Governor Vasip Şahin, and Istanbul Police Chief Selami Altınok for their role in ordering the attacks on the 13th Annual Istanbul LGBTI Pride Parade. We call on all political parties, labor unions, the democratically minded Turkish public, and international non-governmental organizations to come and express their solidarity with our cause.

Istanbul LGBTI Pride Week Committee

Reposted from: SPOD

CSBR News from Member Organizations, Resources & Tools, Statements

Response to the Zero-Draft of the Outcome Document of the Post-2015 Summit

During the 20-24 June 2015 intergovernmental negotiations, ARROW submitted a detailed response to the zero-draft of the Outcome Document of the Post-2015 Summit. The response was supported by 116 women’s groups and allied civil society and social movements from 33 countries and 7 regions.

The response includes both general comments on the framing of the draft, and specific comments on the language. Overall the response calls for the inclusion of sexual and reproductive health and rights across the document from an intersectional gender-responsive approach that ensures accountability to human rights, environmental and labour standards, and non-discrimination on the basis of diverse identity markers.

Read the response here.

Response to Zero-Draft of Post-2015 Outcome Document

CSBR CSBR Activities, Statements

Regional Consultation on Expression, Opinion and Religious Freedom in Asia

Regional Consultation - Expression Opinion Religious Freedom Logo

From 3-5 June 2015, human rights defenders, journalists, bloggers and activists met in Jakarta for a
regional consultation on ‘Expression, Opinion, and Religious Freedom in Asia’.  The aim of the Consultation was to discuss, debate, understand and identify solutions for urgent human rights challenges that emerge at the intersections between freedoms of expression and freedom of religion and belief.

While human rights are universal and indivisible, across Asia states and non-state actors are increasingly positing that the rights to freedom of expression and freedom of religion or belief are in opposition, and developing laws and policies to curtail a multitude of fundamental human rights on this basis. The consultation sought to map out some of these threats across countries, including the impacts on education, sexual and reproductive health, freedom of assembly,  privacy, the rights to fair trials and due process, and more.

The main objectives of the event were:

  • To develop an understanding regarding the direction of future advocacy of FoE in the context of religious freedoms;
  • To understand what role the internet is playing and can play in promoting freedom of expression and religious toleration online;
  • To raise awareness about Rabat Plan of Action on the prohibition of advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred;
  • To engage the relevant UN Special Procedures mandate holders in the current debate over issues of Freedom of Expression and Religious Freedoms in Asia; and
  • To generate global support for the region from research think tanks, academia, donors and human rights friendly governments to help reverse the negative trends on basic freedoms.

 

In addition to civil society members, the consultation also brought together the former and current UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression, David Kaye and Frank La Rue, to share insights and perspectives on the scope of freedom of expression in line with international human rights law.

David Kaye delivered the keynote address, and also a public lecture outlining the basic framework for freedom of opinion and expression in human rights law, and varying social, cultural, demographic pressures that hinder freedom of expression today. View the lecture here.

After three days of plenaries, round table discussions, and small group work, one outcome of the consultation was the development of the Jakarta Recommendations, a set of civil society calls made to governments and intergovernmental bodies to address setbacks in freedoms of expression and religion, and the intersection of these rights, in the region.

The event was organized by Bytes4All Pakistan, the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), ICT Watch, Global Partners Digital, the Association for Progressive Communication (APC), the Internet Democracy Project, KontraS and the Open Society Foundation.

CSBR Featured, News from Member Organizations, News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Statements

Ensuring Women and Girls’ Sexual and Reproductive Health and Reproductive Rights in the Post-2015 Agenda

This 28 May 2015, on the international day for action on women’s health, the Women’s Global May-28-slogan-finalNetwork for Reproductive Rights (WNGRR) and partners launched a Call to Action to ensure that women and girls’ sexual and reproductive health rights are included within the Post-2105 agenda.

The action called on governments worldwide to respect, protect, and fulfill women’s right to health, dignity and bodily integrity, and end violence against women in ALL its forms, including the one form of violence particularly experienced by women and girls if they are young, unmarried, poor, HIV affected, of diverse sexual orientations or gender identities, living with a disability, or in other vulnerable situations, that remains rampant and unaddressed: namely, the institutional violence they experience when they are denied their right to health and are unable to access sexual and reproductive health services. 

“Institutional violence,” or violence perpetrated by the State, has traditionally been understood as largely occurring within extreme circumstances of conflicts, disasters, and economic crises.[3] As defined by the 1993 UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, however, violence against women includes “physical, sexual and psychological violence perpetrated or condoned by the State or its agents regardless of where it occurs.”[4] With this definition in mind, examples of violence and discrimination resulting from the violation of women’s right to sexual and reproductive health are far too common and widespread, such as:

  •  The denial of the right to access safe and legal abortion services, thereby forcing women through restrictive abortion laws to carry to term an unwanted pregnancy, even if it puts their health and life at risk, or even in cases of rape or incest, subjecting them to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, particularly if women are then criminalized and incarcerated;
  • Forced or coerced sterilization or abortion, as all too often experienced by women living with HIV, women living with disabilities, individuals of diverse SOGI, among others;
  • Obstetric violence, discrimination and denial of medical care to pregnant women, particularly if they are single and/or unmarried, forcing them to go through their pregnancy and/or labour in unsafe and life-threatening conditions;
  • The denial of young people’s access to comprehensive SRH services, particularly in the form of denying access to emergency contraception even in cases of rape, thereby subjecting young women and girls to forced teenage pregnancy and exacerbating the violence they already experienced.

While these examples may seem extreme, they happen all too frequently, and share a common root cause: namely, the denial of women’s right to sexual and reproductive health, and the denial of women and girls’ right to exercise autonomous decision-making over their bodies and their lives. The denial of these rights results in violence against women[5] and in some cases results in cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment paramount to torture, as recognized by Human Rights Bodies.[6]
As a follow-up to the action, WNGRR submitted a letter to the delegates of 58 UN Member States who delivered a joint statement in support of SRHR at the OWG13 session.

See the original call to action here: http://www.may28.org/call-to-action/, and the final letter to UN delegates endorsed by 177 organizations and 290 individuals worldwide here.

 

CSBR Featured, News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Statements

WLUML condemns the harassment of Sri Lankan activist Sharmila Seyyid

Statement of Solidarity CSBR

Women Living Under Muslim Laws (WLUML) condemns the backlash faced by Sri Lankan Human Rights Defender, Sharmila Seyyid, and calls for her security and freedom to be guaranteed.

In November 2012, Ms. Sharmia Seyyid stated during a radio interview with the Tamil Rado Service of the BBC that the suffering of sex workers would be alleviated if prostitution was legalized.

Severe backlash from the Muslim community has since ensued; Seyyid has been accused of being a heretic, of disobeying the tenets of Islam, has received death threats, and has had her English academy attacked by arsonists. Persecutors have used social media to intimidate Seyyid, which has involved sexualized harassment, and threats of violence and death.  The harassment has resulted in her fleeing the country, and it continues to this day, having also affected other family members.

Ms. Seyyid is a poet, novelist, journalist, social worker and single mother from Eravur, a largely Hindu Tamil province in eastern Sri Lanka. She is an active Woman Human Rights Defender who has been doing valuable social work related to women’s issues in the Batticaloa District and has worked closely with minority women in the East. In 2009, she founded the Organization for Social Development, a community-based organization in Eravur, to help address post-war women’s issues.

Sharmila Seyyid’s exposure to physical and online threats is intolerable, and just another example of the particular persecution WHRDs face for daring to speak up.

Her persecution follows a climate of increasing influence of Wahhabist strands of Islam in Sri Lanka, which is yet to recover after the protracted civil war and ethnic conflict. Non state forces are pushing an overarching majoritarian ideology and hampering the initiatives of the few civil organisations trying to forge inter-ethnic cohesion and citizen rights. These growing influences have contributed to an increase in intra-religious tensions.  Notably, the resulting homogenizing trends of the ‘Muslim identity’ have also curtailed Muslim women’s freedoms in the name of ‘tradition, religion and culture.’

The backlash Ms. Seyyid is experiences is an example of the harassment that activists face when speaking up about social realities.

WLUML strongly believes that Ms. Seyyid has every right to express her views without facing such damaging repercussions. 

We heavily condemn all forms of persecution and harassment and are gravely concerned for her safety. Ms. Seyyid, like many WHRDs around the world, has been victim of the fundamentalist backlash that strongly hampers women’s entry into the public sphere, their political participation, and their freedom to express dissenting views. The defaming, hatred, and threats against a person, particularly a woman, for having a particular opinion is unacceptable.

We support Sri Lanka’s civil society leaders in urging the Sri Lankan authorities, community religious leaders, and civil society actors of the Muslim community to halt the targeting of fellow Muslims and all fellow citizens, to encourage a safer, fairer society, and to actively strive to uphold citizen rights. We urge the Sri Lankan authorities to ensure that investigations will be carried out against those who caused the misconduct and that justice will be meted.


If you would like to support this statement as an organisation or an individual, please email ifra@wluml.org.

This statement is supported by:

The Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID)
Emilia Novo
Faizun Zackariya, Muslim Women’s Research and Action Front (MWRAF), Sri Lanka
Sally Armstrong, Journalist, Canada
Urgent Action Fund for Women’s Human Rights
Gita Sahgal, Centre for Secular Space, UK
Women’s Action Network Sri Lanka
Shreen Abdul Saroor, Mannar Women’s Development Federation, Sri Lanka
The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR)
PILIPINA Legal Resources Center, The Philippines
Matthew Abely, student teacher, San Jose, CA, USA
CSBR CSBR Activities, News on Sexual & Bodily Rights, Resources & Tools, Statements

Gender, Economic, Social and Ecological Justice for Sustainable Development: A Feminist Declaration for Post 2015

Gender, Economic, Social and Ecological Justice for Sustainable Development

A Feminist Declaration for Post 2015

As the United Nations decides on the future course of international development Post 2015, women of all ages, identities, ethnicities, cultures and across sectors and regions, are mobilizing for gender, social, cultural, economic and ecological justice, sustainable development and inclusive peace. We seek fundamental structural and transformational changes to the current neoliberal, extractivist and exclusive development model that perpetuates inequalities of wealth, power and resources between countries, within countries and between men and women. We challenge the current security paradigm that increases investments in the military-industrial complex, which contributes to violent conflict between and within countries.

We demand a paradigm transformation from the current neoliberal economic model of development, which prioritizes profit over people, and exacerbates inequalities, war and conflict, militarism, patriarchy, environmental degradation and climate change. Instead, we call for economic models and development approaches that are firmly rooted in principles of human rights and environmental sustainability, that address inequalities between people and states, and that rebalance power relations for justice so that the result is sustained peace, equality, the autonomy of peoples, and the preservation of the planet.

This transformational shift requires the redistribution of unequal and unfair burdens on women and girls in sustaining societal well being and economies, intensified in times of violence and conflict, as well as during economic and ecological crises. It also must bring attention to the kind of growth generated and for this growth to be directed toward ensuring well being and sustainability for all. It must tackle intersecting and structural drivers of inequalities, and multiple forms of discrimination based on gender, age, class, caste, race, ethnicity,place of origin, cultural or religious background, sexual orientation, gender identity, health status and abilities. This involves reviewing and reforming existing laws and policies that criminalize consensual behaviors related to sexuality and reproduction.

A development model that will work for women and girls of all ages and identities must be firmly rooted in international human rights principles and obligations, including non-retrogression, progressive realization, and the Rio principles, including common but differentiated responsibilities, as well as the fulfillment of the Cairo Program of Action, the Beijing Platform for Action, and Extraterritorial Obligations of States as outlined in the Maastricht Principles. It also requires states to have ratified and implemented international human rights treaties, including on economic and social rights and women’s human rights, and multilateral environmental agreements. Any sustainable development framework Post 2015 must aim for social inclusion and equity, human security and sustainable peace, the fulfillment of human rights for all and gender equality. It requires reviewing the current security paradigm of investing heavily in militarized peace and security; respecting the secularity of the State where this is enshrined in national norms; reversing the current model of over-consumption and production to one of sustainable consumption, production, and distribution; and ensuring a new ecological sustainability plan that applies a biosphere approach and respect for planetary boundaries and ecological sustainability.

We aim to build political commitment and to overcome financial and legal obstacles to sustainable development, peace, and the respect, protection and fulfillment of all women’s human rights. We urge the international community to address the unjust social, economic and environmental conditions that perpetuate armed conflict,violence and discrimination, the feminization of poverty, commodification of natural resources, and threats to food sovereignty that impede women and girls from becoming empowered, realizing their human rights and achieving gender equality.

Specifically, we call for:

  1. Gender equality to be cross-cutting across all sustainable development goals, strategies and objectives, as well as astand alone goal to achieve gender equality, women’s empowerment and the full realization of women’s human rightsthat contributes to the redistribution of the current concentration of power, wealth and resources, including information and technology. We call for anend to all forms of gender-basedviolenceincluding early and forced marriages, female genital mutilation, honor killings and sexual violence, especially during and after conflict and natural disasters; an end to all forms of discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, race, ethnicity, cultural background and health status; a guarantee of women’s equal, full and effective participation at all levels of political, private and public life, leadership and decision-making, including in all peace processes; a guarantee of all women’s equal rights to land and property; a guarantee of all women’s sexual, bodily and reproductive autonomy free from stigma, discrimination and violence; and the collection of data and statistics, disaggregated by, among others, gender, age, race, ethnicity, location, disability and socio-economic status to inform the formulation, monitoring and evaluation of laws, policies and programs.
  2. Any goal on education must include specific means to address the social, cultural and community practices that prevent girls, adolescents and women across the life-course from accessing and completing education and lifelong learning; create enabling environments for girls’ learning, including safety, hygiene, and mobility; achieve universal access to quality early childhood, primary, secondary and tertiary education for all children and eliminate gender gaps, with a focus on transitions between primary-secondary and secondary-tertiary in order to ensure retention and completion by girls, adolescents and young people; provide formal and non-formal education for all women to be aware of and able to exercise their human rights;ensure comprehensive sexuality education programs that promote values of respect for human rights, freedom, non-discrimination, gender equality, non-violence and peace-building; implement education curricula that are gender-sensitive and eliminate gender stereotypes, sexism, racism and homophobia, and that provide teacher training to enable the delivery of unbiased, non-judgmental education
  1. Any goal on health must include the achievement of the right to the highest attainable standard of health, including sexual and reproductive health and rights. Health services must be integrated and comprehensive, free from violence, coercion, stigma and discrimination, and emphasize equitable access, especially for adolescents, to contraception, including emergency contraception, information on assisted reproduction, maternity care, safe abortion, prevention and treatment of STIs and prevention, treatment, care and support of HIV, as well as services for those suffering from violence and in situations of emergencies and armed conflict. All services must be accessible, affordable, acceptable and of quality. New investments and strategies for health and the development of goals, targets and indicators must be firmly based on human rights, including sexual and reproductive rights.
  2. To ensure economic justice we call for an enabling international environment for development that upholds the extra-territorial obligation of states to ensure macroeconomic and financial policies meet economic and social rights as enshrined in the Maastricht principles.This includes development-oriented trade, fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies, progressive tax measures, a sovereign debt workout mechanism, and ending trade and investment treaties that impoverish nations and people;challenging global intellectual property rights frameworks; eliminating harmful subsidies; boosting productive capacity through an inclusive and sustainable industrialization strategy of diversified economic sectors moving from carbon intensive to safe and environmentally sound societies; transforming the gendered division of labor and assuring the redistribution of paid and unpaid work, while ensuring decent work and a living wage for all; implementing a universal social protection floor for persons of all ages to access basic services such as health care,child and elder care, education, food, water, sanitation, energy, housing and employment; recognition and account for the value of care work and protect the rights of care workers throughout the global care chain and guarantee women’s equal access to resources; promotion of technology transfer, financing, monitoring, assessment, and research in line with the precautionary principle; increased financing for gender equality and women’s human rights and re-directing investments in the warfare industry from militarized security to human security.
  3. To promote ecological justice, we call for ensuring the health of ecosystems and ecosystem services are protected and restored and that the intrinsic value of nature is recognized and respected;an end to the commodification of nature; securing safe, sustainable and just production and consumption patterns and eliminating hazardous substances and technologies; ensuring food and water sovereignty for all, paying particular attention to small holder farmers and fisher-folk, who are often women, as key economic actors whose right to use and own land and access forests, grass and waste-lands, rivers, lakes, seas and oceans should be protected through legally binding safeguards, including against land and resource grabbing; respect for the unique knowledge of indigenous peoples and local communities, including peasant and coastal communities, and ensuring the right to free, prior and informed consent in any development projects that may affect the lands, territories and resources which they own, occupy or otherwise use; address the inequality, pressure and exploitation of women living in poverty within urban and rural communities, including through reversing rapid and unsustainable urbanization to prevent degradation of ecosystems and exploitation of resources that exacerbates injustice in urban, peri-urban and rural areas. Ecological justice requires a strengthened United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, fulfillment of the Maastricht Principles on Extraterritorial Obligations of States, and a clear recognition of the cultural and ecosystem losses that climate change has already failed to save- and the crises faced by small island developing states- particularly by strengthening the newly established Loss and Damage mechanism under the UNFCCC.

With regard to governance and accountability and means of implementation of the sustainable development framework, we call for a prioritization of public financing over public-private partnerships as well as transparency and accountability in both public and private actions related to sustainable development. Private sector is profit-oriented by nature and not obligated to invest in social needs and global public goods. Today, thirty-seven of the world’s 100 largest economies are corporations. The public sector—whose crucial roles include the financing necessary for poverty eradication, meeting social needs and financing global public goods—thus remains essential for a sustainable development financing strategy. All public budgets need to be transparent, open to public debate,gender responsive and allocate adequate resources to achieving these priorities, including through the implementation of international financial transaction taxes. We must ensure the meaningful participation of women in the design, delivery, monitoring and evaluation of the development goals, policies and programs, as well as during peace-building efforts, protect all women human rights defenders, and guarantee their safety and non persecution. There must be access to effective remedies and redress at the national level for women’s human rights violations. Monitoring and evaluation should include reporting of states on their obligations before the Universal Periodic Review, CEDAW and its Optional Protocol, and other human rights mechanisms and under multilateral environmental agreements. Regulation, accountability and transparency of non-state actors, particularly trans-national corporations and public-private partnerships, are critical for achieving sustainable development.Justice will not be possible without effective governance mechanisms, for which it is necessary to guarantee the respect for, enforceability and justiciability of all human rights, as well as ensuring the rule of law and the full participation of civil society, in conditions of equality between men and women.

 

List of Signatories (as of February 28, 2014)

  1. 1325 Policy Group-Sweden
  2. AAARP International
  3. Aahung- Pakistan
  4. AAWU (All Afghan Women Union)- Afghanistan
  5. Action Aid International
  6. Action Canada for Population and Development- Canada
  7. Adéquations- France
  8. ADPDH- Mauritania
  9. Advocates for Youth and Health Development- Nigeria
  10. AEEFG- Tunisia
  11. African Indigenous Women’s Organization
  12. African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET)
  13. AIDS Accountability International
  14. Akahata-Equipo de Trabajo en Sexualidades y Géneros
  15. Akina Mama waAfrika( AMwA)- Uganda
  16. Alianza LAC juventudesrumbo a Cairo +20- Latin America and the Caribbean
  17. Alianzapor la Solidaridad
  18. American Jewish World Service- USA
  19. Anis – Institute of Bioethics, Human Rights and Gender (Brazil)
  20. ApnaGhar, Inc- USA
  21. Arab Women’s Organization- Jordan
  22. Arab Youth Network for SRHR
  23. ArticulaciónFeministaMarcosur- Latin America
  24. Articulación Regional Feminista- Latin America
  25. Articulación Regional de Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil de América Latina y el Caribe hacia Cairo más 20- Latin America and the Caribbean
  26. Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD)
  27. Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants- Hong Kong
  28. Asia Pacific Resource and Research Centre for Women (ARROW)
  29. Asia Pacific Women’s Watch (APWW)
  30. AsociaciónLatinoamericana de Población-ALAP
  31. Association Camerounaise pour la Prise en charge des PersonnesAgees- Cameroun
  32. Association for Liberty and Equality for Gender (ALEG)- Romania
  33. Association for Women’s Rights and Development (AWID)
  34. Association of War Affected Women
  35. ASTRA Network
  36. ATHENA Network
  37. Atria, institute on Gender Equality and Women’s History
  38. Aurora New Dawn
  39. Austrian Family Planning Association
  40. Aware Girls- Pakistan
  41. Balance, Promociónpara el desarrollo y la juventud- Mexico
  42. BanteaySrei- Cambodia
  43. Beyond Beijing Committee (BBC)- Nepal
  44. Black Sea Women’s Club- Ukraine
  45. Bougainville Women’s Federation- Papua New Guinea
  46. CamASEAN Youth’s Future (CamASEAN)- Cambodia
  47. Cameroon Indigenous Women’s Forum- Cameroon
  48. Campaña 28 de Septiembrepor la Despenalización del Aborto de América Latina y el Caribe
  49. CampañaporunaConvenciónInteramericana de los DerechosSexuales y Reproductivos
  50. Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network
  51. Canadian Network of Women’s Shelters and Transition Houses- Canada
  52. Caribbean Family Planning Association
  53. Caring Economy Campaign
  54. CatchAFyah Caribbean Feminist Network
  55. CBM- Europe
  56. Center for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
  57. Center for Encounter and active non-violence-Austria
  58. Center for Health and Gender Equity (CHANGE)- USA
  59. Center for Partnership Studies
  60. Center for Reproductive Rights
  61. Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL)
  62. Centre for Creative Initiatives in Health and Population (CCIHP)- Vietnam
  63. Centre for Health Education, Training and Nutrition Awareness (CHETNA)- India
  64. Centre for Human Rights and Climate Change Research
  65. Centro Feminista de Estudos e Assessoria: CFEMEA

66.     ChimkentWomenresource Center,  Kazakhstan

  1. Circle Connections- USA
  2. Círculo de Juventud Afrodescendiente de lasAméricas-CJAA
  3. Civic Initiatives Support Center
  4. CoaliciónCaribeñaPoblación y Desarrollo
  5. Coalición Contra el Tráfico de Mujeres y Niñas en América Latina y El Caribe
  6. CoaliciónNacional de SC hacia Cairo más 20
  7. Coaliciónpor la Salud de lasMujeres en México
  8. CoaliciónSalvadoreña de Mujeresrumbo a Cairo + 20
  9. Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR)
  10. Coalition of African Lesbians (CAL)
  11. COC Netherlands
  12. ComisiónNacional de SeguimientoMujeresporDemocracia, equidad y ciudadanía- CNSmujeres
  13. Comité de América Latina y El Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer- CLADEM
  14. Common Language- China
  15. Community Practitioners Platform- Guatemala
  16. Congo Men´s Network (COMEN)- Congo
  17. ConsejoLatinoamericano de Iglesias-CLAI
  18. ConsejoLatinoamericano y del Caribe de organizaciones no gubernamentales con servicio en VIH/SIDA- LACASSO
  19. ConsorcioLatinoamericano contra el abortoinseguro-CLACAI
  20. ConsorcioLatinoamericano de Anticoncpeción de Emergencia-CLAE
  21. Coordinación de Mujeres del Paraguay
  22. Coordinación Red FeministaCentroamericana contra la ViolenciahacialasMujeres-CEMUJER
  23. Coordinadora de la Mujer- Bolivia
  24. Corporación Centro de Apoyo popular –CENTRAP
  25. Corporación Humanas- Chile
  26. CREA- India
  27. Danish Socialdemocratic Youth- Denmark
  28. Danish Women´s Society- Denmark
  29. Darfur Women’s Association
  30. Darpana- India
    Citizens Resource and Action Initiative- India
  31. Day Ku Aphiwat (DKA)- Cambodia
  32. Democracy in Action
  33. Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era – DAWN
  34. Diverse Voices in Action for Equality (DIVA)- Fiji
  35. Drag it to the Top- Pakistan
  36. Dutch Council of Women- Netherlands
  37. East African Women
  38. Ecco-Accord- Russia
  39. Ecumenical, Multicultural Equity for Women in the Church Community–United States
  40. Education as Vaccine EVA- Nigeria
  41. Education International- Belgium
  42. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights- Egypt
  43. Ekta- India
  44. El Closet de Sor Juana- Mexico
  45. ELA- Argentina
  46. Ender- Solomon Islands
  47. Engender- South Africa
  48. Enlace Continental de MujeresIndígenas de lasAméricas
  49. EquisJusticia par alas Mujeres- Mexico
  50. EspacioIberoamericano de Juventud
  51. Faculty of Postgraduate Studies- University of Health Sciences, Laos
  52. Family Planning Association of Trinidad and Tobago- Trinidad and Tobago
  53. Fellowship of Reconciliation
  54. Feminist Approach to Technology- India

121.  Feminist League Almaty, Kazakhstan

122.  Feminist League Kokshetay, Kazakhstan

  1. Feminist Task Force
  2. Femmes Africa Solidarité
  3. Femmes et DroitsHumains- Mali
  4. FIAN International
  5. Fiji Women’s Rights Movement
  6. Fortress of Hope Africa- Kenya
  7. Forum of Women’s NGOs of Kyrgyzstan
  8. Fountain-ISOKO for Good Governance and Integrated Development- Burundi
  9. Friends of the Earth- Ukraine
  10. Fundación Guatemala
  11. Fundación Mexicana Para la Planificación Familiar- México
  12. FundaciónparaEstudio e Investigación de la Mujer (FEIM), Argentina
  13. Fundaciónpara la Formación de LíderesAfrocolombianosAfrolider- Colombia
  14. GADIP- Sweden
  15. Gather the Women
  16. GAYa NUSANTARA- Indonesia
  17. Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ)- Zimbabwe
  18. Gender and Development Network (GADN)- UK
  19. Genre deme So- Mali
  20. Genre en Action
  21. Gestos- HIV, Communication and Gender- Brazil
  22. Global Action on Aging
  23. Global Forrest Coalition
  24. Global Fund for Women
  25. Global Network of Women Peacebuilders
  26. GPPAC Western Balkans
  27. Graduate women association of the Netherlands, VVAO
  28. Gray Panthers- USA
  29. Greater New Orleans
  30. Grupo de Información en Reproducción Elegida- GIRE
  31. Grupo de Seguimiento a Cairo- Bolivia
  32. Grupo de Trabajo en Sexualidades y Géneros Argentina
  33. GrupoGénero y Macroeconomía de América Latina- GEMLAC
  34. GrupoInternacional de Mujeres y SIDA-IAWC International Community of Women living with HIV-AISD-
  35. Help Age International
  36. Huairou Commission
  37. Humanitarian Organization for Poverty Eradication (HOPE-PK)- Pakistan
  38. ICW Latina
  39. ILGA LAC
  40. INCRESE- Nigeria
  41. Indian Christian Women’s Movement- India
  42. Indian Women Theologians’ Forum- India
  43. Indigenous Information network and African Indigenous women’s organization- East Africa
  44. Initiative for the Elimination of Violence against Women and Children-Nigeria
  45. Institute for Science and Human Values, USA
  46. Institute of Human Rights Communication Nepal (IHRICON)
  47. Institutes for Women and Global Change- Costa Rica
  48. Instituto de Liderazgo Simone de Beauvoir- Mexico
  49. InstitutoQualivida
  50. InterAfrica Network for Women- FAMEDEV
  51. International Alliance of Women
  52. International Council on Social Welfare
  53. International Ecological Assosiation of Women of the Orient, Kazakhstan
  54. International Federation of Social Workers
  55. International Fellowship of Reconcilliation
  56. International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC), United States
  57. International Kontakt- Denmark
  58. International Lesbian and Gay Association- ILGA
  59. International Network for the Prevention of Elder Abuse
  60. International Planned Parenthood Federation-IPPF
  61. International Public Policy Institute
  62. International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)
  63. International Women’s Partnership for Peace and Justice (IWP)- Thailand
  64. International Women’s Development Agency- IWDA
  65. International Women’s Health Coalition- IWHC
  66. International Women´s Rights Project
  67. Ipas
  68. IraqiIndependentWomanOrganization (IIWO) / Iraq
  69. Isis International
  70. Italian Association for Women in Development (AIDOS)- Italy
  71. Italian Coordination of the European Womenìs Lobby / Lef-Italia
  72. IWRAW- Asia Pacific
  73. JAGORI- India
  74. Just Associates (JASS)
  75. KALYANAMITRA- Indonesia
  76. Kampuchea Women Welfare Association (KWWA)- Cambodia
  77. KULU- Women and Development- Denmark
  78. LANDESA
  79. Leadership for Environment and Development Southern and Eastern Africa- Malawi
  80. LeitanaNehan Women’s Development Agency, Autonomous Region of Bougainville, Papua New Guinea
  81. Lesbianas, Gays. Bisexuales, Trans e intersexuales de América Latina y El Carible
  82. LokChetnaVikas Kendra- LCVK India
  83. MADRE
  84. MahilaSarvangeenUtkarshMandal (MASUM), India
  85. Matrix Support Group- Lesotho
  86. Meditteranean Women’s Fund
  87. Men for Gender Equality, MfJ, Sweden
  88. Men’s Resources International
  89. MenEngage Alliance-Nepal
  90. Mesa de Vigilanciapor la Defensa de los DerechosSexuales y ReproductivosPerú
  91. Mesa Interinstitucional de Mujeres- Colombia
  92. Middle East and North Africa Partnership for Preventing of Armed Conflict (MENAPAC)
  93. Monfemnet- Mongolia
  94. MouvementFrançais pour le Planning Familial- France
  95. MovimientoLatinoamerica y del Caribe de MujeresPositivas, MLCM+
  96. Mujer y Salud Uruguay (MYSU)
  97. Multicultural Women Peace Makers Network
  98. Nansen Dialogue Centre-Serbia
  99. Nansen Dialogue Centre- Montenegro
  100. Naripokkho- Bangladesh
  101. National Alliance of Women’s Human Rights Defenders (NAWHRD)- Nepal
  102. National Council of Women- USA
  103. National Fisheries Solidarity Movement- India
  104. New Wineskins Feminist Ritual Community- USA
  105. NGO Gender Group- Myanmar
  106. Niger Delta Women’s movement for Peace and Development (NDWPD), Nigeria
  107. Non-Violence Network in theArabCountries
  108. Pacific Women’s Indigenous Network
  109. Pacific Youth Council
  110. Partners for Law and Development- India
  111. PermanentPeaceMovement (PPM)
  112. Permanent Peace Movement (PPM)- Lebanon
  113. Phoenix Women Take Back the Night
  114. PILIPINA Legal Resources Center, The Philippines
  115. PlataformaJuvenilSalvadoreñapor los derechossexuales y derechosreproductivos
  116. Platform Women & Sustainable Peace (Platform VDV)- Netherlands
  117. Polish Federation for Women and Family Planning (FEDERA)- Poland
  118. Popular Education Programme- South Africa
  119. Population Matters- UK
  120. Programme on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights- India
  121. Project Swarajya- India
  122. Promundo- Brasil
  123. Psychology, Trauma & Mindfulness Centre (PTMC), Australia
  124. PunangaTauturuInc (Cook Islands WomensCounselling Centre)
  125. Raimbow Identity Association-Botswana
  126. ReacciónClimática- Bolivia
  127. Realizing Sexual and Reproductive Justice-RESURJ
  128. Red Boliviana de Personas Viviendo con VIH (REDBOL)- Bolivia
  129. Red de Educación Popular entre Mujeres-REPEM
  130. Red de masculinidadpor la igualdad de género
  131. Red de mujeresAfrolatinoamericanas, Afrocaribeñas y de la Diáspora
  132. Red de MujeresTrabajadorasSexuales de Lationamerica y el Caribe-REDTRASEX
  133. Red de Salud de lasMujeresLatinoamericanas y El Caribe- RSMLAC
  134. Red Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Juventudespor los derechossexuales y reproductivos REDLAC
  135. Red Latinoamericanas de Católicaspor el Derecho a Decidir -CDD
  136. Red Mundial de Mujerespor los DerechosReproductivos
  137. Red Nacional de Jóvenes y Adolescentespara la Salud Sexual y Reproductiva (RedNac)- Argentina
  138. Regional Centre for Dalit Studies, INDIA
  139. REPEM COLOMBIA
  140. RethinkingHealthMatters
  141. Réussirl’égalité Femmes-hommes (REFH)- France
  142. Rights for All Women (RAW)- Denmark
  143. RMMDR Red Nacional de Jóvenes y Adolescentespor la Salud Sexual y Reproductiva- Argentina
  144. ROZAN- Pakistan
  145. Rural Women National Association RWNA-Romania
  146. Rural Women Peace Link- Kenya
  147. SAHAYOG- India
  148. Salamander Trust- UK
  149. Sci-Tech Service Center for Rurua Women in China
  150. Secular Women
  151. ServiciosEcumenicosparaReconciliacion y Reconstruccion –SERR
  152. ShirkatGah- Pakistan
  153. SíMujer – Nicaragua
  154. SILAKA, Cambodia
  155. Smart Women’s Community- Japan
  156. South Asian Feminist Alliance (SAFA)- Afghanistan
  157. South Asian Women’s Centre
  158. Space Allies- Japan
  159. Spiritual Alliance to Stop Intimate Violence
  160. Sri Lanka Women’s NGO Forum- Sri Lanka
  161. SUGRAMA- India
  162. Support for Women in Agriculture and Environment (SWAGEN)- Uganda
  163. SUTRA (Social Uplift Through Rural Action)- India
  164. SWADHINA- India
  165. Swedish Association for Sexuality Education (RFSU) – Sweden
  166. Taller Salud – Puerto Rico
  167. TARSHI (Talking About Reproductive and Sexual Health Issues)- India
  168. TheMiddle East and North AfricaPartnershipforPreventing of ArmedConflict (MENAPAC)
  169. The YP Foundation- India
  170. Third World Network
  171. TIYE International- The Netherlands
  172. Triangle Project- South Africa
  173. UNGASS AIDS Forum on Sexual and Reproductive Rights
  174. Unite Women New York
  175. United and Strong- St. Lucia
  176. United Federation of Danish Workers, Center for Equality and Diversity- Denmark
  177. Vision Spring Initiatives- Nigeria
  178. Voice for Change- South Sudan
  179. Voluntary Health Association- India
  180. WAR Against Rape- Pakistan
  181. We are Enough- USA
  182. WIDE- Network for Women’s Rights and Feminist Perspectives in Development- Austria
  183. WIDE+ European Network around women’s rights and development
  184. Widows for Peace through Democracy
  185. Wo=Men Dutch Gender Platform- the Netherlands
  186. Womankind Worldwide
  187. Women Against Nuclear Power- Finland
  188. Women for Peace and Development- Kenya
  189. Women for Peace in the Moluccas
  190. Women for Peace in the Moluccas (VrouwenvoorVrede op de Molukken)- Netherlands
  191. Women for Peace- Germany
  192. Women for Peace- Netherlands
  193. Women for Women´s Human Rights, New Ways (WWHR)-Turkey
  194. Women House Development Center- Palestine
  195. Women in Europe for a Common Future (WECF)- Netherlands
  196. Women in Law and Development in Africa / Femmes, Droit et Développement en Afrique
  197. Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET)- West Africa
  198. Women Power Connect- India
  199. Women Sport International
  200. Women to Women Ministries
  201. Women Waking the World
  202. Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR)
  203. Women’s Grassroots Congress, WGC, United States of America
  204. Women’s Legal and Human Rights Bureau (WLB) – Philippines
  205. Women’s Coalition- Turkey
  206. Women’s Earth and Climate Change Caucus
  207. Women’s Environment and Development Organization (WEDO)
  208. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)
  209. Women’s Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC)- Nepal
  210. Women’s School for Healing Arts and Sciences- USA
  211. Women’s Solidarity- Austria
  212. Women Sport International
  213. Women’s Workers Union- India
  214. Women´s Media Colective- Sri Lanka
  215. Women´s Peacemakers Program (WPP)- Netherlands
  216. World Student Christian Federation in Europe (WSCF-E)- Germany
  217. World Young Women’s Christian Association (WYWCA)
  218. YouAct: European Youth Network on Sexual and Reproductive Rights
  219. Young Women´s Leadership Institute- Kenya
  220. Youth Coalition for Sexual and Reproductive Rights
  221. Yunnan Health and Development Research Association (YHDRA)- China