EIPR demands the immediate release of detainees and warns against violations in detention EIPR calls on the media to halt its hate speech and incitement against LGBTQI individuals

Press ReleaseEIPR

Wednesday, 4 October, 2017
 
The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) condemns the ongoing crackdown targeting LGBTQI individuals, or those perceived to be, that began on September 22 after some audience members at a concert in Cairo raised the rainbow flag, known to symbolize sexual diversity and acceptance of all genders. Since the campaign began at least 57 individuals have been arrested in Cairo and a number of other governorates (the number now stands at 54). Little evidence exists to link the overwhelming majority of those arrested to the incident at the concert let alone the fact that the act itself is not punishable by law. Sexual relations between two consenting same-sex adults should also not be considered a punishable offense.EIPR also condemns the lack of guarantees of due process and fair trial for those arrested, particularly the refusal to allow detainees to contact their families and lawyers and the speedy referral of cases to court without adequate time for the defense to review police reports or investigation records. Detainees have also been subjected to various forms of violations while in detention.

Finally, EIPR condemns the parallel campaign in Egyptian media that employs a discourse of hate and discrimination to incite against a segment of Egyptian citizens based on their sexuality. EIPR calls on the media to demonstrate a minimum degree of professionalism and moral responsibility.

 

Unprecedented crackdown and massive violations

The crackdown started when a small number of people waved the rainbow flag, recognized commonly as a symbol of sexual diversity and acceptance of all genders, during a concert by Lebanese band Mashrou’ Leila at one of Cairo’s biggest malls on September 22. After the concert, photos circulated on social networking websites and several media figures, as well as political and religious personalities joined voices against those who were assumed to have waved the flag. In response to this incitement, police forces arrested dozens of individuals — who are either LGBTQI or perceived to be — most of whom have no link to the concert whatsoever, in the most vicious clampdown of its kind in two decades.

EIPR documented at least 57 arrests in Cairo, Giza, Ismailia, South Sinai and Damietta. The majority of those arrested are facing charges of “habitual debauchery,” or “promoting debauchery,” in accordance with articles 9 and 10 of Egypt’s anti-prostitution and debauchery law 10/1961. Others face charges of facilitating debauchery, and two face charges of joining an outlawed group that aims to disrupt the provisions of the Constitution and the law through inciting “deviancy.” Remarkably, a number of these individuals have already been found guilty of charges and 10 defendants in 9 cases have received harsh prison sentences, ranging from one to six years.

Police forces are continuing their campaign to arrest individuals assumed to have been involved in waving the rainbow flag. Starting at 9 pm Monday, up until the writing of this statement, police were still raiding homes.

Security forces arrested both Ahmed Alaa and Ali Farag in Damietta, and transferred them to the Damietta police precinct, from where Farag was later released. Before his release, Farag was questioned by a National Security Agency officer about his involvement in the flag waving “incident,” and was asked about his knowledge of others who may have been involved. Sarah Hegazy was also arrested in Cairo simultaneously. Hegazy and Alaa were both interrogated on Monday morning at the Supreme State Security Prosecution, and were charged with joining outlawed groups that aim to disrupt the provisions of the Constitution and the law, as mentioned above. The police also raided the homes of a number of other women suspected to have participated in waving the flag, but who escaped arrest as they weren’t home at the time.

“We are sure that the scale of the crackdown is much larger than we know. Every single time lawyers have been to the prosecution, or to court, they have discovered more arrests than they expected. They also noticed that all of those arrested, either through online entrapment, or from LGBTQI friendly spaces, were being interrogated in separate cases,” says EIPR executive director Gasser Abdel-Razek.

The arrests, interrogations and indictments are all replete with blatant violations of the right to a fair trial and its guarantees, as stipulated by the Constitution and international conventions that have been ratified by successive Egyptian governments. In particular, EIPR expresses its deep concern at the rapid referral of these cases to court, without enabling defendants to exercise their constitutional rights to contact their families and choose their lawyers.

“They wanted to refer the arrested to court so quickly, that the prosecution referred some cases to divisions that have no competent jurisdiction, which they pointed out,” explains Alaa Farouk EIPR’s lawyer.

In at least one case, the public prosecutor’s office referred a minor to the Misdemeanor court. Ahmed Hossam, the human rights lawyer who attended the inquiry recounts: “The prosecution had a health inspector present a certificate stating that the age of the arrested is 19. We had to present a birth certificate to the court to prove that he is 17. In the second session, the court decided not to try him as an adult and referred him to juvenile court.”

Testimonies from lawyers, as well as similar experiences over the past few years, suggest the strong possibility that the detainees are being subjected to degrading and harsh treatment, in addition to forced anal examinations that are often conducted soon after arrest. In 2002, the United Nations Committee against Torture stated that these tests are “a form of cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment that can rise to the level of torture.”

“It has been proven over and over again that forced anal examinations are based on flawed science. Not only are the detainees’ bodies violated without their consent, but they also face violations in the transfer from the police department to the forensic department. They are subjected to insults and defamation on the street by the policemen accompanying them. Moreover, these examinations reflect a prevailing notion among the state that debauchery only afflicts the person being penetrated,” says Dalia Abdel-Hameed, EIPR’s Gender and Women’s Rights Officer.

 

Egyptian media promotes hate speech and is a partner in incitement

 
Since the first day of the security crackdown, Egyptian media has incessantly called on the police and other state institutions to pursue LGBTQI people, or those suspected of being LGBTQI. They have promoted a speech of hate and discrimination against individuals by claiming that the waving of the flag, as well as anyone who is LGBTQI, poses an illusionary threat to the values and morals of Egyptians.

In one newspaper, an article was published titled: “Leila’s audience thanks those waving the gay flag at the concert,” in a thinly-veiled insinuation that all those attending the concert are LGBTQI. Another newspaper reviewed reactions on social networks, including comments by those who welcomed the waving of the flag and those who condemned it. This has contributed to inflaming the general climate and aided in the incitement and mobilization against LGBTQI people.

Other media outlets hosted or held calls with guests that included religious figures and public personalities, such as the head of the Musicians Syndicate, who all joined the chorus of incitement, calling on security services to act. One caller demanded “Islamic retribution” against those who waved the flag, as well as the organizers of the concert. This is in addition to the leveling of insults against anyone who participated in the concert, and claims of “sexual deviancy.”

The campaign widened in the days following the concert, and included members of the National Council for Human Rights and members of parliament, some of whom filed requests for investigations. A member of the Legislative and Constitutional Affairs committee in Parliament announced that the committee would look into strengthening the penalty for homosexuality, despite this not constituting a crime in Egypt.

Some media outlets went as far as publishing news about the expulsion of a Helwan University student by the university council, after they allegedly established he was at the concert waving the flag. The paper failed to conduct any fact checking and did not comment on the standards by which such decisions should be undertaken, including proper investigations, etc.

Media outlets continue to publish news in a manner that encourages the pursuit of LGBTQI individuals, mostly through entrapment online, without considering the illegality of their actions. This is in addition to the slander of those arrested by publishing their personal details in the news before interrogations are concluded or formal charges are made.

The Supreme Council for Media also issued a statement which read: “Homosexuals should not appear in visual, broadcast media or the Press,” and considered homosexuality to be “a disease and a shame that is best kept hidden, not promoted,” in flagrant violation of the most basic rules of the profession, and in clear contradiction of modern medicine and the knowledge provided by the World Health Organization on homosexuality.
 

Not an isolated incident

 
The current crackdown on LGBTQI individuals shouldn’t be seen in isolation from the organized campaign that has been waged by the “morality police” against LGBTQI individuals for over four years. EIPR has recorded the arrest of 232 people, who are either LGBTQI, or are perceived to be, between the last quarter of 2013 and March of 2017. The overwhelming majority of those arrested were referred to court under the aforementioned anti-prostitution and debauchery laws.

Through the cases collected by EIPR and the testimonies of former prisoners and defendants, we have compiled evidence of a wide range of violations against LGBTQI individuals throughout this campaign, particularly against men having sex with men and transgender individuals. The common manner of arrest is through online entrapment, in which an officer or member of the morality police uses a gay or transgender dating application to pose as a man seeking gay sex, luring others to meet, at which point they are arrested. This entrapment and assumed intention is considered clear incitement to commit a crime by security forces.

Moreover, all interviewees confirmed having been subjected to various forms of harsh and inhumane treatment, amounting to torture in many cases. These include vicious beatings, persistent insults in police stations and threats of sexual violence. Some have been threatened with being placed in a cell with other prisoners who have been incited to rape them. EIPR noted that several of those arrested in this crackdown were subjected to anal examination, which as explained above is a degrading and inhumane measure that could amount to torture.

 

Re-posted from: https://eipr.org/en/press/2017/10/egyptian-state-wages-unprecedented-arrest-campaign-against-individuals-based-their

Human rights and freedom of expression in Egypt – trapped between security services and the media

Human rights and freedom of expression in Egypt:

Trapped between security services and the media

Following the escalating violent attempts to suppress and divide civil society organizations, restrict their resources, and increase security measures to silence advocates for human rights and freedom of speech and expression in Egypt, the Egyptian state and media have exceeded all expectations in spreading fear, discrimination and encouraging hate speech inciting Egyptian citizens against each other.

During the past week, the Egyptian state arrested Egyptian citizens for raising a rainbow flag during a concert organized by a band, “Mashrou’ Leila”, on Friday, September 22, 2017. The local media supported these arrests by publishing numerous articles and interviews encouraging hate speech against groups and individuals that have gender non-conforming identities and sexual orientations, especially targeting LGBT people in Egypt. These provoking articles invaded most news and social media platforms.

Consequently, the security attacks increased causing the arrest of more citizens who were charged of “inciting immorality” and attending the abovementioned concert. The Egyptian police’s statement alleged that arrested individuals are “homosexuals who raised the LGBT flag and encouraged the practice of immoral acts.” Political figures, political parties’ representatives, Members of Parliament and Al-Azhar religious scholars have also pressured the state to put an end to – what they called – attempts to corrupt the youth.

In addition, many media organizations – news websites, newspapers and broadcast media – launched campaigns to promote for hate speech using stigmatizing and demeaning terminology against individuals and their dignity. In doing so, these media organizations have neglected the journalism’s code of ethics, international human rights’ values, objectivity and violated the dignity of citizens and their rights to privacy and security against violence, social discrimination and their freedom of speech and expression.

We, the undersigned individuals and organizations, would like to remind media outlets that inciting hate speech violates human rights’ values, diversity and freedoms; we disapprove with repeated state arrests based on sexual orientation and gender identity; we refuse all acts that violate international laws and conventions such as torture in prison, humiliations and forced anal tests; and we confirm our commitment to freedom of expression and the right to security.

First: We call for human rights organizations, civil society, the international community, journalists, media experts, lawyers and all individuals who are interested in protecting human rights values to join their voices to ours and sign this statement.

Second: We remind the Egyptian state of its important responsibility of protecting the security of Egyptian citizens and guaranteeing the freedom of speech and expression as stated by the Egyptian Constitution and International Conventions.

Third: We call for media organizations to respect the values of professionalism during their coverage and defend human rights and avoid hate speech and demeaning terminology against Egyptian citizens, and refrain from giving a space to sources who intentionally spread fear and hate.

#الألوان_مش_عار

#ColorsRNotShame

EgyptStatementHROct20171
EgyptStatementHROct20172
EgyptStatementHROct20173

2 October 2017

“Stories of Faith & Sexuality” – CSBR hosts national level Digital Story Telling Workshop in Indonesia

… and we’re off! CSBR_DSTDay1

CSBR is partnering with YIFoS (Youth Interfaith Forum on Sexuality), Kampung Halaman and GAYa Nusantara for our first national Digital Storytelling Workshop in Indonesia, running this week from 25 – 29 September 2017.

CSBR-DSTApaCeritamu

 

After a call for applications, we brought together 18 dedicated activists from across the Indonesian archipelago: from Aceh to Lampung to Jakarta, from Medan to Yogyakarta to Surabaya, and beyond.CSBR-DSTBanner

Participants represent grassroots organizations and collectives working on issues ranging from women’s rights, political change, and religious pluralism, to digital rights, sex worker rights, sexual and gender diversity, and youth empowerment.

Over the next five days, we’ll be reflecting on our embodied experiences of faith and sexuality, and hand crafting digital stories to amplify and strengthen community level change.

Stay tuned for updates!

 

 

Joint Statement on Access to Safe and Legal Abortion @ 36 HRC

CSBR joined the chorus of voices from 285 organizations around the world calling on global leaders to guarantee access to safe and legal abortion. Read the joint statement delivered by Action Canada for Population and Development et. al [i] today at the 36th Human Rights Council Session. #Sept28

*   *   *   *   *

25 September 2017

Mr. President,

It is my honour to deliver this statement on behalf of 285 organisations from around the world.

Through the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, States explicitly agreed to prioritize the human rights of women, including the eradication of gender-based discrimination and violence. However, many States have not yet made the important decision that women’s human rights deserve to be upheld and their lives are worth saving. The continued criminalization of abortion and restrictions on access to and provision of abortion and post-abortion care in many jurisdictions is stark evidence of this.

Around 22 million unsafe abortions are estimated to take place around the world annually[ii], leading to 7 million health complications[iii] and 47,000 deaths[iv]. In addition, there are major social and financial costs to women and girls, families, communities, health systems and economies. The criminalization of abortion and failure to ensure access to quality abortion services is a violation of the rights to non-discrimination, to privacy, and to make decisions about one’s own body, and can constitute torture or ill-treatment, as repeatedly highlighted by UN bodies and experts.[v] Prohibiting abortion pushes it underground and gives rise to unsafe abortions, violating the rights to life, health and bodily autonomy. Moreover, the poor and those already facing multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination are disproportionately affected, making the global community’s pledge to “leave no one behind” ring hollow.

These human rights violations must stop now. On September 28, the Global Day of Action for Access to Safe and Legal Abortion, we urge the Human Rights Council to address the human rights violations arising from criminalization of abortion and the denial of access to safe and legal abortion services through its resolutions, decisions, dialogues, debates, and the UPR. We demand in a collective voice that governments across the world respect, protect and fulfill the right to access safe and legal abortion services and post-abortion care.

Thank you, Mr. President.

_______________________

Joint statement on behalf of Action Canada for Population and Development; Federation for Women and Family Planning; Center for Reproductive Rights; Ipas; ActionAid; Advocates for Youth; ARC International (Allied Rainbow Communities International); Asian Pacific Resource and Research Centre for Women (ARROW); Asociación Pro-Bienestar de la Familia Colombiana “Profamilia”; Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID); Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network; Catholics for Choice; Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL); Centre for Health and Social Justice; Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS); Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN); Ekta Resource Centre for Women; EngenderHealth; European Humanist Federation; European Women’s Lobby; European Youth Forum; Federatie van Nederlandse Verenigingen tot Integratie van Homoseksualiteit – COC Nederland; FOKUS – Forum for Women and Development Norway; Fundacion para Estudio e Investigacion de la Mujer (FEIM); Generation Initiative for Women and Youth Network (GIWYN); Girls To Mothers’ Initiative; Global Fund for Women; Global Justice Center; International Commission of Jurists; International Federation for Human Right Leagues (FIDH); The International HIV/AIDS Alliance; International Humanist and Ethical Union; International Lesbian and Gay Association; International Planned Parenthood Federation; International Planned Parenthood Federation South Asia Region Office; International Service for Human Rights; International Women’s Health Coalition; Italian Association for Women in Development (AIDOS); Manusher Jonno Foundation; Marie Stopes International; Médecins du Monde – France; New Zealand Family Planning Association; Oxfam; Pathfinder International; The Population Council; PROMSEX, Centro de Promoción y Defensa de los Derechos Sexuales y Reproductivos; Rutgers; Shalupe Foundation; Simavi; Social Charitable Center Women and Modern World; Sonke Gender Justice; Swedish Association for Sexuality Education (RFSU); Sukaar Welfare Organization Pakistan; Union Women Center; Womankind Worldwide; Women Enabled International; Women for Women’s Human Rights – New Ways; Women International Democratic Federation; Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights; Women’s Rights Center NGO Armenia; World YWCA; and Youth Coalition for Sexual and Reproductive Rights;

[i] This statement is joined by the following organisations and groups not in consultative status with ECOSOC: Akahatá Equipo de Trabajo en Sexualidades y Generos, Coalition of African Lesbians, CREA, Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights; A.L.E.G. _ Association for Liberty and Equality of Gender; Activista independiente; African Sex Workers Alliance (ASWA); Agrupacion Ciudadana por la Despenalización del Aborto – El Salvador; Aidsfonds; AJWS; Aliance for Choice; Alianza por la Solidaridad; Alliance of solidarity for the family; Articulacion Feminista Marcosur; Asia Pacific Alliance for Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (APA); Asociación Ciudadana ACCEDER; Asociación de Mujeres por la Dignidad y la Vida – LAS DIGNAS; Asociación Médica Privada Voluntaria Winay; Asociación Movimiento Salvadoreño de Mujeres MSM; Association de Lutte contre les Violences faites aux Femmes; Association HERA-XXI Georgia; Associazione Luca Coscioni per la libertà di ricerca scientifica; ASTRA Network; ASTRA Youth; Atria – Institute for Gender Equality and Women’s History; Balance- Mexico; Bangladesh Model Youth Parliament; Cairo Foundation for Development and law; Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir – Chile; Catolicas Por el Derecho a Decidir Perú; Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir – Bolivia; CEDES (Center for the Study of State and Society); Center for Information and Counseling on Reproductive Health – Tanadgoma; Center for the Study of Democracy; Centre d’Action Laïque; Centre de Communication et de Développement de l’Entreprise (CCDE) – Département de la promotion de l’autonomisation de la femme en Afrique; Centre for Gender, Feminisms and Sexualities, University College Dublin, Ireland; Centre for Secular Space; Centre Kurde des Droits de l’Homme; Centre Ombre des Femmes du Burundi; Centro de Apoyo y Protección de los Derechos Humanos SURKUNA; Centro de Atención Integral a la Pareja, A. C.; Centro de Derechos de Mujeres; CESI – Center for Education, Counselling and Research; CHOICE for Youth & Sexuality; CLACAI; Cladem; COADY International Institute, Canada; Coalition to Repeal the Eighth Amendment; Colectivo Ovejas Negras; Community and Family Aid Foundation-Ghana; Community Safety and Mediation Center; Concern for Children and Environment – CONCERN Nepal; Consorcio Latinoamericano Contra el Aborto Inseguro; Contra Nocendi International; Corporacion Miles Chile; Costa Rica Afro; Creative and Innovation Business Incubation Center (Association CICIA); CSBR – Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies; Danish Family Planning Association; DareGender; Dartmouth College; DeGenerar; Discover Football; Diverse Voices and Action (DIVA) for Equality, Fiji; ECIS – Educación, Clínica e Investigación en Sexualidad; El Colegio de México; Equal Ground, Sri Lanka; Essex Feminist Collective; Eurasian Women’s Network on AIDS; Family Planning and Sexual Health Association; Family Planning NSW; Fédération nationale GAMS; Feminist Solutions towards Global Justice (FemJust); FILIA Centre; Forum de la Femme Menagere – FORFEM; FRONT Association; Fundación Arcoiris. Mexico; Fundación CulturaSalud/EME; Fundacion de la mano contigo; FUNDACION DE MUJERES LUNA CRECIENTE; Fundación ESAR; Fundación Oriéntame; Fundacion Sendas; Fundatia Corona; Gateway Health Institute; Gender Violence Institute; Global Doctors for Choice; Good and Useful Ltd; Great Lakes Initiative for Human Rights and Development (GLIHD); GreeneWorks; Grupo Curumim – Gestação e Parto; Gynuity Health Projects; Hábitat Mujer Salud; Haiyya Foundation; Health Development Initiative (HDI)-Rwanda; Hidden Pockets; Human rights and civic participation association PaRiter; Human Rights in Childbirth; ICRH-Mozambique; IGLYO – The international lgbtqi youth and student organization; Iniciativas Sanitarias Uruguay; Institute of Health Management, Pachod; Institute of Human Rights Communication Nepal (IHRICON); Inter Pares; International Campaign for Women’s Right to Safe Abortion; International Gender Equality, SOCITSHOPO (Coordination Civil Society of the DRC Tshopo); International Youth Alliance for Family Planning; Irish Council for Civil Liberties; Irish Family Planning Association; Jamia Millia Islamia University; KOGS; La Mesa por la Vida y la Salud de las Mujeres; Legal hub consultants; London-Irish Abortion Rights Campaign; Love Matters India; MARIA Abortion Fund for Social Justice; Marie Stopes México; MDF Training & Consultancy; Men’s Association for Gender Equality Sierra Leone (MAGE SL); Men’s Story Project; MenEngage Africa; MenEngage Global Alliance; MenEngage Initiative Uganda; MenEngage Kenya Network (MenKen); Michaela Raab; Midwives for Choice; Mouvement Français pour le Planning Familial (MFPF); Mujer Y Salud en Uruguay – MYSU; MuMaLa-Mujeres de la Matria Latinoamericana; Musas de Metal Grupo de Mujeres Gay A.C.; Nakoroiki Park  Association; National Abortion Federation; National coalition for Education; National Women’s Council of Ireland; Nossal Institute for Global Health; Nuhanovic Foundation; Observatorio de Equidad de Género en Salud; Oklahoma Coalition for Reproductive Justice; Options for Sexual Health; Organizando Trans Diversidades OTD Chile; PACE Society; Pacific Feminist SRHR Coalition; Paper Crown Institute; PARI O DISPARE; Participatory Human Rights Advancement Society; Participatory Human Rights Advancement Society; PIECE (Prostitutes Involved, Empowered, Cogent Edmonton); Planned Parenthood Ottawa; Pro Salud Sexual y Reproductiva, A.C.; Pro-Choice Wexford; Programa Género, Cuerpo y Sexualidad (Universidad de la Repúbica); Programa Iguales ante la ley-CDC; Programa Interdisciplinario de Estudios de Género, Universidad de Guadalajara; Promundo-US; Radha Paudel Foundation; Reconstruction Women’s Fund; Red Latinoamericana de Género y Salud Colectiva ALAMES; Red Mujer y Hábitat de América Latina; Red Tengo Derecho a mi Cuerpo Haurralde Fundazioa; Repeal The 8th Dublin Midwest; Reproductive Health Association of Cambodia (RHAC); Reproductive Health Training Center from Moldova; Réseau Genre et Droits de la Femme – GEDROFE; Resource Center for Women and Girls; RESURJ – Realizing Sexual and Reproductive Justice Alliance; RHAC; Riskou Poulakou; Romanian Women’s Lobby; Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists; Sahil, Pakistan; SAHR; SAMYAK, Pune; Sarajevo Open Centre; Seres (con) viver com o VIH; Servicios Humanitarios en Salud Sexual y Reproductiva, A.C.; Sex og Politikk (IPPF Norway); Sexual and Reproductive Justice Coalition; Sexuality Policy Watch; She-Hive Association; Societatea de Planificare a Familiei din Moldova (SPFM)/Family Planning Association of Moldova ; Society for Education in Contraception and Sexuality (SECS) Romania; Society for Feminist Analyses AnA Romania; Society for Women’s Action and Training Initiative; Society Without Violence NGO; Solidarité des Femmes Burundaises pour la lutte contre le Sida et le Paludisme au Burundi; Solidarite des Femmes Burundaises pour le Bien Etre Social et le Progres au Burundi; SPECTRA: Young Feminists, Rwanda; Spectrum; SRHR platform Ghana; Srijanatmak Manushi Sanstha; Stella, l’amie de Maimie; Success Capital Organisation; Sukaar Welfare Organization Pakistan; Surkun; Sustainable Consulting; SWISSAID; Synergia – Initiatives for Human Rights; Taller Salud; Terre Des Jeunes Burundi; TFMR Ireland; The Bridges We Burn; The Legal Center for Women’s Initiatives “Sana Sezim”; Tonga Leitis Association ; Uganda Network of young people living with HIV & AIDS; UNAM; Unidas por La Paz I A P; Unión Democrática de Mujeres –UDEMU; Uprising of Women in the Arab World; Urgent Action Fund for Women’s Human Rights; Vecinas Feministas por la Justicia Sexual y Reproductiva en América Latina y el Caribe; VOICE MALE Magazine; Voice Your Abortion; White Ribbon Canada; WISH Associates; WO=MEN; Women Interfaith Council/Network of Men Leaders on Violence Against Women; women on waves; women on web; Women’s Link Worldwide; Women’s Solidarity Namibia; YouAct, European Youth Network on Sexual Reproductive Rights; Youth Harvest Foundation Ghana; and Zeromacho.

[ii] WHO: http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs388/en/

[iii] Ibid.

[iv] WHO: http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/unsafe_abortion/magnitude/en/

[v] Center for Reproductive Rights, Breaking Ground, Treaty Monitoring Bodies on Reproductive Rights, 2016, available at https://www.reproductiverights.org/document/breaking-ground-2016-treaty-monitoring-bodies-on-reproductive-rights
For full list of signatories, see Sexual Rights Initiative: http://www.sexualrightsinitiative.com/2017/hrc/hrc-36-session/joint-statement-on-access-to-safe-and-legal-abortion-globally/

Responding to Rape: Keep it Silent? Break the Silence! (Video)

During this year’s 9th Sexuality Institute in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, we held a 3-hour workshop on the use of Participatory Visual Methods for sexual & bodily rights research.

The workshop focused on “cellphilms”—i.e. the use of cell phones to make short  1 minute films–as a relatively accessible and dynamic tool that can be used by communities to document and advocate for change, particularly on sensitive & often taboo topics such as gender-based violence and trauma.


Exploring Participatory Visual Methods

Prior to the workshop, participants were provided background reading materials and case studies that would ground our opening conversations on some of the theoretical and ethical considerations around using visual methods for qualitative research, especially on gender-based violence.

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Together we considered the advantages or limitations–in terms of accessibility, ease of use, sustainability, autonomy and community ownership–of various forms of information communication technologies (ICTs) that can be used to make films; the benefits of participatory methods in supporting & strengthening communities-led change; and strategic ways to use the outputs/visual products to advocate for social change and policy change.

From there participants dove straight in to a hands-on approach, exploring and practicing the method by creating films during the workshop.

With a dynamic group of over 20 participants from across 16 countries, there were quite a few topics people wanted to work on, including looking at restrictions on women’s sexual autonomy, narratives and conceptions around sexual pleasure, finding a common language on sexual & bodily rights issues.

 

Opening a Conversation on Rape

For one group, the key question was how can we open conversations about accountability, redress and support for survivors of rape?

The workshop proved to be a powerful forum for experience sharing on social responses to rape survivors across country and social contexts, from the level of individual experiences, to community organizing, to policy and law focused advocacy for change.

CellphilmWorkshop9SI

Synthesizing the key commonalities and considerations of the small group discussions, participants then collaboratively developed the prompts, storyboard, scripts and narratives of the cellphilms. The films were created using only a cellphone, the space of the workshop, and on the basis of a “no-editing required” / “one shot” take.

 

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The first film, “Keep It Silent???”, documents all too common responses victims & survivors of rape experience when trying to reach out for help, which increase isolation, anxiety, shame, fear and stigma. The second film, “Break the Silence!”, moves the conversation towards proactive steps and possibilities for support.

 

A Resource for Awareness & Advocacy

After the workshop, we screened the films together–creating a forum for feedback and continued discussion about the process, content and opportunities for advocacy.

 

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The two cellphilms that explored social responses to rape generated a lot of discussion amongst the audience.

Many participants affirmed they faced similar challenges to those highlighted in the films: from victim blaming, to the lack of accountability of first responders to treat rape survivors with dignity & respect, to a lack of trust between communities and law enforcement.

The films also introduced the importance of thinking of forms of social support and redress mechanisms beyond criminal law enforcement. Emotional support, psychological support, affirmation of the person’s experience, active listening, and accompaniment on the journey of recovery were all highlighted as perhaps often overlooked part of the conversations around how to respond to sexual assault and rape.

For those in the producing group, members also shared it was the first time they had been able to have a proactive discussion and actually create a narrative about support for survivors–a process that was affirming and cathartic.

The creators share the films here in the hopes they may be a resource for those seeking to have conversations about accountability, redress, and support for survivors of sexual assault and rape.

 

 

Resource: Rights at Risk – New report from Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs)

OURsRightsatRiskReport1
The trend is unmistakable and deeply alarming:

  • In international human rights spaces, religious fundamentalists are now operating with increased impact, frequency, coordination, resources, and support.
  • Anti-rights actors are chipping away at the very content and structure of our human rights concepts, institutions, and protections, with disastrous consequences for human rights and gender justice. Their aim is to erode the very basis on which we can claim our rights.

This report is the first of a series on human rights trends produced by the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs) initiative, a collaborative and multi-organizational project that aims to monitor, analyze, and share information on anti-rights initiatives.

The report analyzes key trends and developments mapped over 2015 to late 2016 in order to inform and support our collective advocacy.


A sneak peek in the report

Introduction

Anti-rights mobilization at the international level constitutes a response to the significant feminist and progressive organizing and impact therein over the past three decades. It also represents ultra-conservative actors’ new commitment to multilateral processes as a space of influence. Today we are witnessing a set of interlocking factors that paint an unsettling picture of our human rights system under attack: increased coordination of religious fundamentalists across regional, institutional, and religious lines in human rights spaces, and the strategic and proactive undermining and co-optation of our human rights framework.

Key opposition actors 

Imperatives for the future include…[t]o take energetic action within the NGO process to blunt or prevent new assaults on family integrity; to identify, protect, and help advance existing “friends of the family” within the U.N. Secretariat; to “place” such friends in positions of current or potential influence within the U.N. Secretariat; and to build an international movement of “religiously grounded family morality systems” that can influence and eventually shape social policy at the United Nations.

Allan Carlson, founder of the World Congress of Families

Read the Chapter summary

Key opposition discourses

Actors using arguments based on anti-rights interpretations of religion, culture, tradition, and rhetoric linked to State sovereignty have made significant strides in implementing and institutionalizing their regressive agenda at the UN in recent years. As any participant or witness of policy negotiations will note, the ‘battle for rights’ is fought in large part on the level of language and rhetoric. Many conservative actors have creatively and effectively regrouped in this area, with increased success towards achieving their goal of undermining rights related to gender and sexuality.

Read the Chapter summary

Key opposition strategies and tactics

Influence and impact are not won by rhetoric alone. Anti-rights actors are making inroads into our human rights standards not only because of their increased numbers and networks, or their imaginative and sustained re-conceptions of what human rights norms should and do mean. The success of any movement is also integrally driven by its organizing tactics.

Like their shifts and feints in discursive strategy, the religious right active in international human rights policy spaces has not remained static in their organizing. This landscape reflects several overarching trends: learning from their opposition, namely feminists and other progressives and their strategies at United Nations conferences in the 1990s; mirroring successful tactics developed in partnership with powerful elites from the domestic level to the international; and moving from a paradigm of symbolic protest to ‘insiders’, with the attendant changes in opportunity mapping and approach.

Read the Chapter summary

Key impacts on the international human rights system

Anti-rights actors’ discourses and strategies have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, and especially rights related to gender and sexuality.

Over 2015 and 2016, we have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitments; deadlock and conservatism in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty monitoring bodies, and special procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.

Read the Chapter summary

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International Coalition Calls for Public Support to End Increasing Persecution of LGBT People in Indonesia

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The undersigned organisations and individuals (35 in total) support the following statement:

We appeal to the people of Indonesia and our friends and supporters around the world to help protect the rights and health of all Indonesian citizens by supporting efforts to end the growing mistreatment of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people in Indonesia.

Our appeal follows several cases of human rights and privacy abuses over the last two months against over 150 men who have been unjustly detained, arrested and/or charged – and in two cases severely punished – simply because they allegedly had sex with other men or facilitated men to have sex with other men. The cases we refer to involve the caning of two young men in Aceh as well as two recent police raids, one at a hotel in Surabaya and another at a leisure establishment in Jakarta.

Our appeal also follows an anti-LGBT campaign over the last 12 months by government officials and conservative community groups in Indonesia which encourages this kind of violence, harassment and state-sponsored discrimination against LGBT people across Indonesia.

Firstly, the mistreatment of the men involves violations of natural justice, privacy and human rights not only in relation to the alleged sexual activity, but also in relation to forced HIV testing and the subsequent dissemination of test results to local media. These violations contravene not only many Indonesian laws but also Indonesia’s commitment to a range of international legal frameworks protecting the rights of individuals as well as members of cultural minorities.

Secondly, these violations threaten the privacy and human rights of all Indonesians. If local police are permitted to target one group of people in this way, then other individuals and groups in Indonesia are also potentially at risk of the same kind of treatment. If the law does not protect everyone, then ultimately it protects no one.

Thirdly, this campaign of persecution is also affecting the provision of HIV prevention, testing and treatment services to gay men and men who have sex with men (MSM). Fear of being targeted by police, other authorities and even neighbours is driving gay and MSM communities underground, making it much harder to deliver information and support to an already vulnerable group of people. This is a public health issue that should concern all Indonesians due to the growing impact that HIV is having on Indonesia’s health system.

Further to this, we note that the Indonesia Health Law (UU No 39 Year 2009) guarantees that implementation of health services shall be carried out with responsibility, safety and quality, and distributed evenly and non-discriminatively to all Indonesian people. In addition, the Indonesian government has a stated plan to cover the whole population with Universal Health Coverage (Jaminan Kesehatan Nasional) by 2019 with the following objectives as stated by Indonesia’s Minister of Health on 28/08/14:

  • To enable people accessing healthcare services without financial hardship
  • To perform cost contained and quality controlled healthcare services.
  • To strengthen healthcare services at primary and referral health facilities
  • To prioritize preventive and promotive measures in rendering healthcare services to reduce prevalence of diseases, lower the numbers of sick-people with efficient healthcare services.

Finally, responding to the plight of others with empathy and benevolence is an essential part of our common humanity. Imagine being subjected to the trauma and humiliation these men have endured, or the discrimination and exclusion that Indonesia’s LGBT community is experiencing, simply for expressing love or a gender identity.

The unwarranted treatment of these men, and the increasingly virulent campaign against Indonesia’s LGBT community, seeks to position LGBT people as ‘outsiders’ and a ‘threat to society’. However, LGBT people are just like everyone else – everyday people and fellow citizens who work hard to create a better life for themselves, their families and their community. As such we appeal to the people of Indonesia and our supporters across the world to join our efforts to ensure these men and all LGBT Indonesians are afforded the legal rights and health services to which they are entitled as citizens, and the compassion and dignity to which they are entitled as human beings.


HOW YOU CAN HELP:

  • Share this statement with family, friends and colleagues to create awareness about this issue.
  • Contact Indonesian government representatives or embassies to protest against the treatment of the men and the campaign against Indonesia’s LGBT community.
  • Donate to GAYa NUSANTARA (www.gayanusantara.or.id) or GWL-INA (www.gwl-ina.or.id) to fund their efforts to protect the rights of these men and to fight LGBT discrimination in Indonesia.

ISSUED BY:


For more information please contact: Safir Soeparna, APCOM Senior Media and Communication Officer at safirs@apcom.org

A Workshop on Pleasure, Consent & Rights

What’s pleasure got to do with sexual and bodily rights, you ask? We’ve been asking ourselves the same question! And we’ve been asking people across the world to send in their stories and ideas on the topic, through our #SexPleasureRights series: http://sexpleasurerights.csbronline.org.

So much did we enjoy hearing people’s thoughts and experiences, that we decided to take the conversation further and host an open-space evening workshop on “Pleasure, Consent & Rights” in Malaysia last week.

Tuesday night’s turnout was great: a mix of activists, organizers, community members, and people simply intrigued by the topic. The mix of perspectives made for a dynamic evening, allowing us to engage in discussion, share iftar, play games, and open up our thoughts to new ways of thinking about pleasure.

UsesoftheEroticPart of the evening was spent reading and discussing “Uses of the Erotic: The Erotic as Power“, a piece written by the Audre Lorde in 1978. Despite being almost 40 years old, the piece offers sharp and ever pertinent perspectives on the power of female eroticism. Audre Lorde reminds us of the power that resides in knowing our bodies, our sexuality, and our inner resources deeply, especially as women. Particularly when common conceptions of the “erotic” translate most easily into the disembodied consumption of the pornographic, as defined by business and marketing interests in a world governed by patriarchy.

In choosing to explore the “erotic”, Audre Lorde takes a word that for many–including for many at the workshop–seems full of sexual overtones, and she asks us to re-conceptualize it. To redefine it. To look at eroticism more broadly. To start to feel every thing sensually, through our skin; from every day acts such as “dancing, building a bookcase, writing a poem, examining an idea“.

If we could tap into such a power, such a visceral sensation, what impact would that have on our daily lives? On our relationships? On our efforts to “go beyond the encouraged mediocrity of our societies“, and encourage excellence through our art, and advocacy and activism?

Perhaps, as Audre Lorde shares, being in touch with the erotic might enable us to tap into and amplify our fearless capacities for joy. She writes, “In touch with the erotic, I become less willing to accept powerlessness, or those other supplied states of being which are not native to me, such as resignation, despair, self-effacement, depression, self-denial.”  

Of course, Audre Lorde was writing in the United States at the time, centering black women’s experiences, and her work is imbued with sharp critiques of emerging capitalism, embedded structural racism, and patriarchy–and their crushing grips on our imaginations; the way these overarching and interconnected structures of oppression limit, twist and deform the ways that our power as women can be be felt and reached.

Without a deep understanding of the social context Audre Lorde was writing in, it is not so easy to translate her work and her arguments into another context–such as Malaysia in 2017–without the risk of losing the specificity of her words and her message. Audre Lorde was always, first and foremost, speaking from her experience of being a black lesbian woman activist. No matter how much her words resonates with our experiences as women, women of colour, women in the global south, as women who love women, as activists, as queers, as human beings–and they do resonate loudly across identities–reading Audre Lorde’s work requires we be attune to our positions in the social hierarchies of our daily relationships, work and activism, lest we usurp or erase the particularities of her social critiques; map them too simplistically onto our experiences; or forget to bring in what is missing given our current realities.

With all of that to hold and sift through, the framework of analysis in Uses of the Erotic provided much food for thought, and challenged current ideas about eroticism and women’s power as derived from our bodies and our sexuality.

At the workshop, given the desire to get us into our bodies, we also spent time learning somatic practices as a way to connect with our emotions and senses on a more visceral level. We mixed breathing and meditation and movement and dance, and reflected on the energies this stirred in us. All in all, it sparked a lot of ideas and we hope it’ll be the first in a series of further workshops and conversations.

Our special thanks to Nani for leading the somatic exercises, who helped us host the event.

Check out #SexPleasureRights and Uses of the Erotic and let us know your thoughts!

التسجيل للورشة الاقليمية حول جنسانية الفرد والأسرة

التسجيل للورشة الاقليمية حول جنسانية الفرد والأسرة

يسرنا في منتدى الجنسانية أن نعلن عن فتح باب التسجيل للورشة التدريبية حول جنسانية الفرد والأسرة، والتي نسعى من خلالها إلى خلق “مجموعة عمل” مهنية تتبادل فيما بينها الخبرات والافكار والابداعات بالأدوات والتوجهات التربوية في كل ما يتعلق بالجنسانية، ويشمل ذلك انتاج ادبيات ومصطلحات جنسانية حساسة للسياق المجتمعي والحضاري العربي.

نحلم بأن تتحول “مجموعة العمل” هذه مستفبلا إلى شبكة تشكل مظله مهنية داعمة وملهمة وخلاقة للمهنيين والمهنيات من الوطن العربي، تشجع مبادراتهم\ن في مجالات الجنسانية في بلدانهن\م ومجتمعاتهم\ن.

الأهداف العينية للورشة التدريبية

توسيع دوائر المعرفة الجنسانية وتطوير الوعي الذاتي لتمكين المتدربين والمتدربات من التواصل الفعال ومن الحوار مع الناس بكل ما يتعلق بالقضايا الجنسانية والجندرية من منظور حضاري وأخلاقي

تعزيز قدرات المتدربات والمتدربين لتمكينهن\م من اعتماد نهج “المشاركة الفعالة التأملية” في عملهن\م مع الفئات المجتمعية المختلفة

تزويد المتدربين والمتدربات بالمواد والأدوات والفعاليات التربوية اللازمة لانطلاق العمل في هذا المجال، كل في إطاره\ها وبلده\ها

تطوير برنامج تربوي في الجنسانية باللغة العربية، حساس للسياق الاجتماعي وقابل للتطبيق والممارسة في أرجاء الوطن العربي

الفئات المستهدفة

الورشة معدة لمهنيين ومهنيات عرب يعملون في الوطن العربي داخل مؤسسات وأطر مجتمعية وتربوية وصحية بالإضافة إلى نشطاء ومقدمي خدمات ممن يعملون مع الناس مباشرة.

نوّد التنويه الى أن الورشة لن تنظر في الطلبات المقدمة من الداخل الفلسطيني( أراضي ال 48) والضفة الغربية, بسبب توفر هذه الورشات بشكل دوري في منتدى الجنسانية في حيفا ورام الله.

شروط القبول

سيتم الاختيار بناء على الخبرة الميدانية في العمل مع الناس من جهة، وعلى مستوى الأداء خلال المقابلة الشخصية على سكايب. في هذا السياق، تم تشكيل لجنة قبول ستقوم بفرز كافة الطلبات وتحديد مواعيد للمقابلات الفردية لكل المتسجلين والمتسجلات.

موعد ومكان وتكلفة التدريب

ستنعقد الورشة التدريبية على مدار ستة أيام مطولة، خلال الفترة ما بين 11\9\2017 – 16\90\2017 في عمان. البرنامج المفصل سيرسل لاحقا لكل من تم قبوله\ها

سيغطي منتدى الجنسانية كافة التكاليف المتعلقة بالسفر ذهابا وإيابا وتشمل تذاكر الطيران والمواصلات العامة في بلد السكن وفي عمان. كما سيغطي المنتدى كافة تكاليف الإقامة وتشمل المبيت في الفندق لسبع ليال بالاضافة الى الوجبات اليومية.

الاطار العام للتدريب والمضامين العينية

يتم التحضير لهذه الورشة تحت إشراف لجنة توجيه مهنية مكونة من المدربات الأساسيات، وقد صُمم هذا النموذج التدريبي بناء على الخبرات المهنية لكادر منتدى الجنسانية وتجربته الميدانية العريقة من خلال مئات ورش العمل حول الجنسانية، مع كافة الفئات المجتمعية الفلسطينية، بالإضافة إلى ورش إقليمية على مستوى العالم العربي.

سيعتمد التدريب منهج المشاركة الفعالة والتأمل والتفكير النقدي، إذ أن الهدف منه هو التركيز على المسارات الشخصية التي يمر بها المشارك\ة كمقدمة أساسية لتشكيل المعرفة ومن ثم الوعي. انطلاقا من مبدأ “فاقد الشيء لا يعطيه”، فإن معرفة الذات بعمق لهي حجر الأساس لتشكيل المقدرة على الارتقاء بالقيم الشخصية وعدم اسقاطها على الآخرين مهما كانت معتقداتهم\ن وانتماءاتهم الدينية والايدولوجية، هكذا هي رؤية منتدى الجنسانية وتوجهاته في العمل مع الناس.

العدد المتوقع للمشاركة بهذه الورشة هو 15-17 مشارك ومشاركة من عدة دول عربية، بالاضافة إلى 2-3 من طاقم منتدى الجنسانية.

أما المضامين التي سيتطرق إليها التدريب خلال ورشة العمل فهي كالتالي

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Call-Out-2

Call-Out-3

نبذة عن المنتدى العربي لجنسانية الفرد والأسرة – منتدى الجنسانية،

نما منتدى الجنسانية من بذور تجربته الميدانية التي زرعها على مدار عشرين عاما، بدء من تكوين فكرته في مؤسسة تامر للتعليم المجتمعي في رام الله في التسعينيات، مرورا بتدريب كوادر المرشدين التربويين العاملين في الضفة والقطاع، إلى العمل مع مؤسسات أهلية فلسطينية في القدس والنقب والمثلث والجليل، بالإضافة إلى القيام بورش تدريبية – تجريبية على مستوى العالم العربي في القاهرة وعمان وتونس.

قام المنتدى بتدريب المئات من الكوادر المهنية والتي لعبت دورا هاما في خلق نويات محلية تعمل على تعزيز الوعي الجنساني داخل المجتمع الفلسطيني. تحول المنتدى الى جمعية رسمية عام 2006 عنوانها بمدينة حيفا، وساهم في تأسيس منتدى الجنسانية في رام الله عام 2015.

خطط العمل في المنتدى مبنية على المعلومات الناتجة عن أكثر من بحث علمي قمنا به مع طلبة الجامعات الفلسطينيين في الضفة الغربية وفي مناطق 48، بالإضافة إلى آلاف الاستبيانات التي فحصنا من خلالها احتياجات طلبة المدارس على مستوى فلسطين التاريخية.

ساهمت هذه السنوات الغنية بالخبرات في جعل المنتدى المرجعية المهنية والفكرية الأهم محليا في مجال التربية والصحة الجنسانية عموماًز

كادر المنتدى بأكمله، من هيئة إدارية، موظفات ومتطوعين/ات، مكون من ذوي الخبرات المهنية المتعددة، أهمها مجال الخدمة الاجتماعية والإرشاد التربوي والنفسي والتمريض. جميعهم/ن حاصلين على اللقب الجامعي الأول كحد أدنى ولديهم على الأقل ثلاث سنوات خبرة في العمل الميداني المهني. عضوية الهيئة العامة للمنتدى مشروطة بشهادة التأهيل في “جنسانية الفرد والأسره” والعدد الحالي للأعضاء هو ثمانية ووثمانين عضو/ة.

وأخيرا،

في حال شعرت بأنك ملائم\ة للمشاركة بهذه الورشة، الرجاء تعبئة نموذج التسجيل التالي.

لمزيد من التفاصيل وللاستفسار:

الرجاء التواصل معنا على : muntada@jensaneya.org أو على safa@jensaneya.org

 الموعد النهائي لتسليم طلبات التسجيل هو 15/6/2017

ملاحظة:

الورشة بدعم من :

 GIZ

CSBR– الائتلاف للحقوق الجسدية والجنسانية في العالم الاسلامي

Open Society Foundation

APPLY HERE: http://bit.ly/2rbHRp4

Resource: FDI Legal Analysis of Transgender Persons Protection Bill 2017

Forum for Dignity Initiatives-FDI is a research and advocacy forum working for the human rights of most marginalized groups both gender and sexual minorities in Pakistan. FDI is closely working at policy level evidence based advocacy to improve the human rights situation for identified groups in Pakistan.

A bill on the protection of transgender persons was presented to Senate of Pakistan on January 9, 2017 as a private member bill by Senator Babar Awan.

Transgender Persons Protection of Rights Bill Pakistan

FDI organized a multi-stakeholders consultation to review this recently presented bill on the protection of transgender persons in Pakistan. Consultation provided an opportunity to key stakeholders including; parliamentarians, representatives from ministry of human rights, civil society representatives, legal experts, academia, religious scholars, media and transgender community representatives to sit together, carefully review this bill and share their reservations followed by a set of recommendations to improve the gaps in current status of this bill before it becomes a law.

Read a copy of the legal analysis here: Transgender Persons Protection Bill 2017

FDI has printed this analysis also and those who are interested can request a copy of it. For more information see: www.fdipakistan.org<

Resource: Sariyani | Kapal Perempuan | (video)

As part of ODOS 2016, Kapal Perempuan developed a video campaign, documenting the re-thinking on gender & sexual norms, and the deepening appreciation of human rights, as experienced by graduates of their Sekolah Perempuan (Women’s School) program in Indonesia.

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This video features Sariyani, a small shop vendor living and working in Jakarta.

Find our more about Institut Kapal Perempuan, at: http://kapalperempuan.org/

Reclaiming the Universality of Rights @ CSW61 (video)

CSBR joined co-working group members of the Observatory on the Universality of Rights for a CSW61 event on “Reclaiming the Universality of Rights: Gender, Economic Justice and Anti-Rights Threats”.

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About: Rising (mis)use of religion, culture, tradition, and nationalism to justify discrimination in many areas around the world is having disastrous consequences for gender justice and women’s economic rights and empowerment.

Anti-human rights actors employing these arguments increasingly undermine women’s rights, including their rights to work and rights related to gender and sexuality. Through their attempts to control women’s bodies and autonomy, they propagate gendered restrictions on employment, restrict pathways to employment, and fuel gender stereotypes that undermine women’s access to work and justify violence in the workplace.

This event will highlight the findings of the first trends report from the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs) initiative regarding regressive trends and actors on our human rights norms and systems and open up a critical reflection on the tactics, discourses, strategies and increasing impact of ultra-conservative actors to undermine the universality and indivisibility of our human rights standards. This event will then examine and discuss the strategic opportunities and challenges that lie ahead for gender justice movements.

Panelists: The panel featured interventions from Naureen Shameem (AWID), Susan Tahmasebi (ICAN), Azra Abdul Cader (ARROW), Gillian Kane (IPAS) and Cynthia Rothschild, and was moderated by CSBR coordinator Rima Athar.

Watch the panel here: Reclaiming the Universality of Rights (CSW61)

Read highlights of OURS report key findings here: OURs Flyer CSW61

Join the conversation on Twitter #RightsAreUniversal


No Borders on Gender Justice

Letter to the Members of the UN Commission on the Status of Women

United Nations Economic and Social Council
The Commission on the Status of Women

6 March 2017

Dear Members of the UN Commission on the Status of Women,

We the undersigned organizations write to express our deep concerns about the latest restrictions on civil society participation at the 2017 UN Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) meetings. This year’s CSW is taking place under the shadow of the United States’ escalated anti-immigrant, anti-refugee, and anti-Muslim policies, which are preventing some women from exercising their right to political participation at UN Headquarters in New York. The policies represent the latest in a long history of restrictive migration, refugee and asylum measures that subject women and their families to hate crimes, detention, deportation and family separation, while undermining core universal human rights regarding migrant and refugee rights, and worker protections. These circumstances emphasize the urgent need for women facing multiple discriminations to be at the center of conversations on human rights at CSW.

These restrictions on civil society participation are part of a much broader threat, not only to CSW, but also to the very foundations of multi-lateral cooperation, the rule of law and human rights. Governments across all continents have adopted laws and policies curtailing civil society participation in democratic spaces, making international space an even more critical site for civil society to confront and hold governments accountable. Civil society access to these spaces is necessary for the advancement of all human rights, including rights that ensure women’s economic empowerment in the changing world of work. It is also necessary for the work of the UN. The new UN Secretary General, António Guterres, has affirmed that “civil society is a key instrument for the success of today’s UN,” and that “dialogue and cooperation with civil society will…be a central aspect of the activities of the UN in the next few years.” For that to happen, civil society needs access to the UN, without discrimination on the basis of nationality, religion, income, migration status, or any other factor.

The latest obstacles to civil society participation at New York’s UN Headquarters will likely extend beyond this year’s CSW. Access to future CSW sessions, and to all UN decision-making spaces, including the Security Council and General Assembly, is also threatened. Year round, women and other gender justice advocates participate in critical convenings at UN Headquarters, including during the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in May, the Open Debate on Women, Peace and Security in October, negotiations for a new Global Compact on Refugees and a Global Compact on migration, International Day of Persons with Disabilities, and LGBTIQ advocacy week in December. It is in New York that civil society advocates from across the globe engage with the world’s governments in order to shape national and international priorities.

Maintaining access for civil society, particularly women’s human rights defenders, to UN decision-making spaces is essential to the empowerment of women as envisioned in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the gender-responsive realization of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. To this end, we respectfully request the Commission add the following paragraph to the draft Agreed Conclusions for CSW’s 61st session, calling on governments to remove all barriers that directly and indirectly inhibit women’s full, equal, and effective participation in decision-making at all levels:

The Commission calls upon Governments to support civil society access to the CSW and all UN decision-making spaces, recognizing that meaningful civil society participation is critical for increasing protections and advancements for women’s economic empowerment in the changing world of work.

We urge the Commission to call on governments to reverse the shrinking of civil society space at the United Nations during the CSW Ministerial segment and General discussion, so that we may fully contribute to the work of the Commission towards women’s human rights and gender equality, including the gender-responsive implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

Sincerely,

MADRE

Just Associates (JASS)

Center for Women’s Global Leadership

Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID)

Urgent Action Fund

Women in Migration Network (WIMN)

Outright Action International

Global Justice Center

Amnesty International

Refugees International

Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)

NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security

Organization of Women’s Freedom in Iraq (OWFI)

International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN)

Women’s Environment and Development Organization (WEDO)

Women’s Intercultural Network (WIN)

Gender at Work

Alianza por la Solidaridad

Women Thrive Alliance

World Federalist Movement-Insititute for Global Policy

Men Engage Alliance

Widows for Peace through Democracy (WPD)

SecurityWomen

Womankind Worldwide

Gender & Development Network

Women Peacemakers Program (WPP)

Women Engage for a Common Future (WECF), International

FEMUM-ALC latinamerican network of Women&Municipalities

Feminist Task Force

Center for Health and Gender Equity (CHANGE)

The Judith Trust

Uganda Youth Alliance For Family Planning And Adolescents Health –UYAFPAH

LatinoJustice PRLDEF

The Women’s Studies Center (CEM)

Free Women Writers

Iranian Circle of Women’s Intercultural Network (ICWIN)

Grupo Para o desenvolvimento da Mulher e Rapariga- (GDMR)

Muslims for Progressive Values Nederland

Sudanese Women Human Rights Defenders Project

FEMNET

Asia Safe Abortion Partnership

International Womens’ Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific

International Planned Parenthood Federation – Western Hemisphere Region

FOKUS – Forum for Women and Development

MYSU Mujer y Salud En Uruguay

International Federation of Medical Students’ Associations

Regions Refocus

RFSL – Swedish Federation for LGBTQ Rights

Akina Mama Wa Afrika

COC Nederland

Worker’s Information Center

Human Rights & Gender Justice Clinic, City University of New York Law School

Republika Libre

Foro Internacional de Mujeres Indigenas – FIMI / International Indigenous Women Forum

Enlace Continental de Mujeres Indígenas de las Américas – ECMIA

The Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR)

Tunisian Association of Democratic Women (ATFD)

Khadija Arfaoui, TUNISIA

Tharwa n’fadhma n’soumer

Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR)

GAYa Nusantara

PILIPINA Legal Resources Center

Southeast Indigenous Peoples’ Center

PEN International

Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR)

*****

To add your organization’s name to this letter, email csw61advocacy@madre.org.

Creeping Criminalisation: Mapping of Indonesia’s National Laws And Regional Regulations That Violate Human Rights of Women and LGBTIQ People

“Creeping Criminalisation” is a timely new resource from OutRight International, co-written by CSBR Member Nursyahbani Katjasungkana.  The report maps national laws & regional regulations that violate the human rights of women and LGBTIQ people across Indonesia. Available in English and Bahasa.


Creeping Criminalization - Indonesia

This report maps the legal framework in which lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) rights and women’s rights in Indonesia are curtailed. It is part of a project on Increasing Access to Justice for LGBTI Communities in Indonesia that OutRight Action International and its Indonesian partners, Arus Pelangi, Kemitraan and LGBTI activists in 8 Indonesian provinces have been working on since 2015.

The purpose of this report is to be an advocacy tool for Indonesian activists and allies for human rights, women’s rights and LGBTIQ rights. It is laid out to give specific legal information and analysis regarding national laws and regional level legal regulations passed by provincial legislatures and governments. The report provides general historic background of Indonesia’s legal processes as context for understanding the proliferation of regional regulations.

Two important annexes in the Legal Mapping Report trace the use of media to spread hate and intolerance in the 2016 campaign of homophobia in Indonesia and the views of Indonesian politicians, other public figures and religious leaders who have taken strong positions on LGBTI groups.

Check out also the Media Mapping Report (available in English and Indonesian), produced by Kemitraan, a national good governance and government reform organization.

Watch a video on the topic below.

 

Apply for the 9th CSBR Sexuality Institute! Deadline 12 March 2017

Applications Open!

Deadline for submissions:
12 March 2017
CSBRSexualityInstitute
 
The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR) is pleased to announce our Call for Applications for the 9th CSBR Sexuality Institute, to be held from 30 June – 7 July 2017.


Interested?

    • Do you have at least 2 years of experience working on issues of sexuality & human rights?

 

    • Are you committed to undertaking efforts to promote sexual and bodily health and rights at national and international levels? 

    • Do you represent an organization/institution engaged in advocacy, research, fieldwork, and/or grassroots organizing on issues of sexuality and rights?   

Then we’d like to hear from you! 


To Apply:
 Please (1) submit the Application Form online, and (2) send your current C.V. to csbrsexualityinstitute@gmail.com by 12th March 2017. 


Deadline to apply:
12 March 2017

 

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About the Institute: Designed as a comprehensive curriculum on sexuality, sexual and reproductive health and rights with in-depth discussions on the linkages between research and practice, the CSBR Sexuality Institute offers a holistic interdisciplinary program combining history, theory, research and politics of sexuality with applications of advocacy and fieldwork.

 

Each CSBR Sexuality Institute brings together about 25 leading sexual and reproductive rights activists, academics and researchers for a six-day training comprised of lectures, group work, round-tables, panels, site visits and film screenings, all bolstered by participants’ own experiences around sexuality & sexual rights advocacy.

Language: The Sexuality Institute is held in English.

Costs:

  • The cost of tuition is USD 100 for all participants
  • Scholarships to cover international travel & attendance costs are available for participants from smaller organizations based in the Global South, including tuition costs as needed.
  • Applicants from international NGOs, and organizations based in Europe and North America, are not eligible for scholarships and must cover their own travel & attendance costs for the training.
For more information: Email coordinator@csbronline.org.

Resource: Musawah Knowledge Building Briefs

Musawah

Musawah has released two Knowledge Building Briefs that provide advocates with an accessible understanding of key concepts and ideas related to the Muslim legal tradition and family laws.

  • Issue One clears up confusion between Shari’ah, Fiqh and State Laws, and is available in English, Arabic, and French.
  • Issue Two sheds light on what makes the reform from within the tradition possible, and is available in English, Arabic, and French.

 

About Musawah

Musawah provides advocates and academics access to existing knowledge and creates new knowledge about women’s rights in Islam. Musawah seek to apply feminist and rights-based lenses in understanding and searching for equality and justice within Muslim legal traditions. Such lenses help reveal the tension between the egalitarian and hierarchical voices in the tradition, and uncover women’s voices that were for so long silenced in the production of religious knowledge, so that their concerns and interests can be reflected.

Musawah believes that the production and sharing of knowledge should be participatory, should recognise non-traditional forms of expertise, and should begin from contexts rather than texts. In this way, the knowledge produced will be grounded in the lived realities of women and men. These realities then inform the approach to the issues and the questions being asked.

Visit: Musawah.org

Feminism & Women’s Rights In Turkey: An Interview With Denise Nanni

 

Turks rally against Israel’s ground operation in Gaza Strip

File: Pro-Palestinian Turks rally against Israel’s ground operation in Gaza Strip, outside the residence of Israeli ambassador in Ankara, Turkey, Sunday, July 20, 2014.

In 2014, Denise Nanni wrote a thesis at the Faculty of Political Sciences, Sociology and Communication in Rome about the politics of female empowerment in the Muslim world, with a focus on Turkey. Denise now lives in Istanbul where she works in the fields of feminism and women’s rights in Turkey. Recently, we published her article about the organisation WWHR, an NGO founded in Istanbul in 1993. Since its foundation, the WWHR has been engaged on national and international levels to ensure global recognition of women’s rights.

Milena Rampoldi, ProMosaik: What does female empowerment mean to you?

Denise Nanni, WWHR: I believe that empowerment means, as a first step, the awareness of being part of a disadvantaged social group. It means becoming aware of the fact that only being part of a determined minority can determine one’s own existence, chances and life choices. Only after becoming aware of this, is it possible to act and acquire tools to change one’s condition.

Therefore, I think that women’s empowerment has to start as an internal process. It requires a moment of reflection, in which it is necessary to wonder who we are, as women, but, above all, as individuals, and how much of what we are comes from the dominant culture, that in every society, imposes us in more or less obvious ways, a definite identity and socially accepted behavioral patterns, as if they were ready-made. Once you understand this, it is possible to bring changes in the daily life (which can be different depending on the native culture) and therefore become an example of the change that you want to propose.

A woman participates at a memorial service for the victims of Saturday's attacks , at the site of the bombings in Ankara, Turkey, Monday, Oct. 12, 2015. The twin explosions Saturday ripped through a crowd of activists rallying for increased democracy and an end to violence between Kurdish rebels and Turkish security forces, killing dozens and injuring scores of others, in Turkey's deadliest attack in years. (AP Photo/Emrah Gurel)

A woman participates at a memorial service for the victims of Saturday’s attacks , at the site of the bombings in Ankara, Turkey, Monday, Oct. 12, 2015. The twin explosions Saturday ripped through a crowd of activists rallying for increased democracy and an end to violence between Kurdish rebels and Turkish security forces, killing dozens and injuring scores of others, in Turkey’s deadliest attack in years. (AP Photo/Emrah Gurel)

 

MR: What do you think distinguishes Western feminism from Muslim feminism, and which are the common aspects?

DN: I think that the common aspect is their final goal, which is to improve women’s condition at local and global levels. The difference lies in the way in which they aim to reach this goal. Modern Western feminism generally refuses every aspect of the mainstream culture, holding it up as a product of the patriarchal society. In my opinion, the demonstrations of the current Western feminism are often simple provocations, which aim to attract attention, but they end up by diverting it from the central issue.

Muslim feminism is the product of societies where religion and related traditions still have an important role in people’s lives, and people shape their identity on them. It is obvious that a total rejection of religion would be impossible, since it is hard to break away from traditions, customs and habits, which are part of everyone’s daily life. Therefore, Muslim feminists try to redefine women’s role within the society without refusing their religion. This has been reason of many controversies between the two factions: Western feminism considers itself somehow superior, since Western feminists do not believe that a woman wearing the scarf can be feminist at the same time because she inflicts upon herself something imposed by men. What seems obvious to me is that saying this means to violate a fundamental right, which is self-determination. Moreover, this argument creates fissures, while unity and cooperation are needed.

MR: Tell us about the history of Ottoman-Turkish feminism.

DN: The first changes in women’s condition date back to the Ottoman times. The empire was going through a difficult time and needed to face external enemies and internal nationalist movements that threatened to erode the unity of the empire. For this reason, Sultan Mahmud II decided to promote the integration of all nationalities inside the empire, inaugurating a modernization process. Women’s oppression was identified as an obstacle to this; therefore, reforms in terms of education and inheritance rights were approved. Women started to organize themselves and to discuss about their rights and many magazines on these subjects were published. This so-called feminism was mostly institutional, top-down, structured, and just the women of the upper classes of society could actually benefit from these newly granted rights.

With the birth of the Turkish Republic, there has been a new series of reforms because the country’s first President, Atatürk, identified in women’s empowerment a fundamental prerequisite for the country’s survival. This feminism, later called “Kemalist,” had as a central myth the existence of a past, prior to the conversion to Islam, characterized by gender equality. Atatürk promoted many reforms in order to encourage education and work for women and gave them the right to vote. However, this state feminism was again directed from the top and it had to remain within the borders plotted for it.

In the 70s and 80s, several sociologists had an important role into acquiring the awareness of the failed implementation of the existing laws, especially in the rural zones, where, at that time, most of the population lived. After the coup in 1980, all parties and political organizations were outlawed. Ironically, in this time a new wave of feminism arose.

According to Şirin Tekeli, feminist activist and writer, this was not casual: Kemalism and Left ideologies had been an obstacle until that time; therefore after the parties were outlawed and with many political leader on the run, in prison or dead, women had the chance to raise their voice. This feminism is the first considered to be entirely controlled by women. In this period, awareness groups, magazines and organizations arose with the aim of creating a shared feminist consciousness.

What most characterizes this feminism was the attempt at institutionalization: many research centers were founded, the first shelter for victims of violence was inaugurated in Istanbul in 1990 (Mor Cati); in the same year the Library and Information Center was founded (Kadın eserleri kütüphanesi ve bilgi merkezi vakfı). In 1991, the Ministry for Women’s Issues was established. In 1993, a group of activists founded Women for Women’s Human Rights, an important independent NGO. In the 90s, many laws violating the equality principle were modified and, in 2002, the Turkish Parliament completed an extensive revision of the civil code. In that time in Turkey an important debate, still unsolved, arose: is it possible to be a Muslim feminist?

Today the state is not the only one that is committed in obtaining wider gender equality and women’s empowerment. Since the 70s, the role of NGOs has grown considerably. Some of these are so important that they are consulted by the World Bank and have representatives in United Nations conferences. Since the 90s, NGOs engaged in policies for women in Turkey, in line with this trend, have begun to participate more actively in development programs. The activities aiming at women’s empowerment include providing services to increase the literacy rate, providing medical information on birth control, developing capacities and skills of women in order to increase their participation in the employment context, providing shelters and legal assistance.

Several international organizations cooperate with and provide funds to Turkish NGOs: the World Bank, the United Nations, UNDP and UNFPA. These, in line with the paradigm of the bottom-up policy, are favoring cooperation with NGOs and civil society, who are able, sometimes more than international organizations, to put pressure on policy makers. One of the most significant changes that took place after 2000 was the reform of the criminal code in 2004.

Passengers embrace each other as they wait outside Istanbul's Ataturk airport, early Wednesday, June 29, 2016 following their evacuation after a blast. Suspected Islamic State group extremists have hit the international terminal of Istanbul's Ataturk airport, killing dozens of people and wounding many others, Turkish officials said Tuesday. Turkish authorities have banned distribution of images relating to the Ataturk airport attack within Turkey. (AP Photo/Emrah Gurel) TURKEY OUT

Passengers embrace each other as they wait outside Istanbul’s Ataturk airport, early Wednesday, June 29, 2016 following their evacuation after a blast. Suspected Islamic State group extremists have hit the international terminal of Istanbul’s Ataturk airport, killing dozens of people and wounding many others, Turkish officials said Tuesday. Turkish authorities have banned distribution of images relating to the Ataturk airport attack within Turkey. (AP Photo/Emrah Gurel) 

 

MR: How can you focus on Islam and on the Quran to promote women’s rights in Turkey?

DN: I think that the desire to give an alternative reading of the Quran is not the best strategy to promote women’s rights in Turkey or in any other country. What I think is that we should leverage common sense. You cannot convince a person that a particular conduct is a violation of human rights, taking as example or proof passages from the Quran or any other scripture. These are books written in other periods of history and the product of those times.

An example: the passage of the Quran in which it is said that a man can have several wives is the product of an historical period in which for a woman to be a widow meant to die of starvation and encounter a negative social stigma. That part of the Quran has been used to justify today’s polygamy. It was a convenient social custom back then but unjust today.

Therefore, we must act on the ability of people to think independently. If you would provide an alternative interpretation of the Quran, assuming that it will be universally accepted, you could remove the problem, but not the source, which is, in my opinion, the inability to detach from the rules, of any kind, when they are obviously wrong.

MR: Tell us about the Coalition for Social and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies.

DN: In September 2001 a meeting called “Women, Sexuality and Change in the Middle East and Mediterranean” was held in Istanbul. In this occasion, the representatives of 19 NGOs and academics from Algeria, Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, Pakistan, Palestine, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey and Yemen got together. The meeting, the first of its kind, brought together experts and scholars who, in their careers, had dealt with several forms of sexual oppression in their countries.

This meeting led to the founding of the Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR), a network of international solidarity that has the intent to promote sexual rights, physical and reproductive rights as human rights in Muslim societies. In 2004, the CSBR was expanded to include organizations and academics of Southeast Asia. The CSBR has an inclusive approach to sexuality, recognizing its central role in private, public and political life. It has also played a key role in establishing and expanding the notion of sexual rights, which had been almost non-existent, and in breaking taboos regarding the rights of homosexuals.

The CSBR, in order to achieve gender equality, social justice and democratization, considers it necessary to review and strengthen the legal system, adopt and implement programs and policies based on the rights to education and health, increasing the funds for programs and institutions that aim to ensure gender equality, developing policies and programs that aim to reduce and eliminate the feminization of poverty and HIV / AIDS. CSBR’s main activity consists of awareness and information campaigns.

MR: What do you think are the best strategies to combat violence against women in countries like Turkey?

DN: I think that the best strategy is just one: education. Education, exchange and contact with different realities are the only things that can really open your eyes and allow the younger generation to understand that their reality and their way of life are not the only ones possible, and that the models of behavior that they have learned within their families are not always right. Changes cannot be imposed from above by laws but must be accompanied by a social change from the bottom.

 

Originally published by ProMosaik, July 20, 2016

8 Years Running: Celebrating the One Day One Struggle Campaign

9 November 2016 marks the 8th year of the One Day One Struggle campaign, organized by the Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR).

CSBR_ODOS9NovemberEach year, One Day One Struggle engages hundreds of people across countries and regions to builds bridges on sexual and bodily rights issues, including:

  • Sexual and reproductive health and rights for all
  • Promoting sexual and bodily autonomy and integrity
  • Ensuring access to comprehensive sexuality education
  • Ending all forms of violence against women
  • Ending Discrimination and violence against people on the basis of their sexual orientation and gender identity

By highlighting the pressing political developments impacting sexual rights across our local and national contexts, the campaign demonstrates that sexuality is a site of political struggle and seeks to build solidarity across constituencies to support everyone’s right to choose freely on matters of sexuality, fertility, bodily autonomy, gender identity and self expression.

We may be working in different contexts, but our struggle is one: ensuring a holistic affirmation and realization of sexual, reproductive and bodily rights as human rights across Muslim societies.

In 2016, One Day One Struggle is taking place across Egypt, Indonesia, Malaysia, Palestine, Pakistan, the Philippines, and Tunisia. See a brief listing of the planned actions below, and keep up with us on Twitter (@SexBodyRights, #OneDayOneStruggle) and Facebook (facebook.com/CSBRonline) on November 9th for more details and updates as the actions occur!

 

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EGYPT

Nazra for Feminist Studies is hosting a discussion on women’s bodily autonomy and integrity through a feminist analytical lens, in collaboration ODOS2016_Nazra_MyOwnBodywith the Goethe Institute in Cairo. The event will bring together diverse stakeholders to discuss restrictions and possibilities for change across fields such as the medical industry, film and creative media, civil society organizing, and academia. Nazra will also be sharing articles and blogs on different aspects of bodily integrity and autonomy by feminist writers across Egypt. Follow the online campaign with the hashtags #MyOwnBody and #OneDayOneStruggle.

Read more here: http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1594, and see the Facebook page for more details: https://www.facebook.com/events/1457243860952778/

 

The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) is launching a social media EIPRcampaign to raise awareness on the issue of female circumcision in Egypt, including the lack of any medical reasoning behind the practice. Despite a law in place banning the practice, NGOs have said “the law is not enough, and must be accompanied by non-penal provisions, such as comprehensive sexuality education; a rights based campaign focusing on the ‘rights of women and girls to equality and a safe, satisfying sexual life’, and adopting a code of ethics in consultation with the Doctors’ Syndicate to enforce accountability.”

EIPR will be launching articles and infographics online using the hashtags #StopMedicalizingFC and #OneDayOneStruggle. Follow EIPR on Twitter @EIPR  & Facebook @EIPR.org and share widely.

 

In the framework of Trans Awareness Month, Bedayaa Organization for LGBTQI in the Nile Valley Area (Egypt and Sudan) in cooperation with Mesahat Foundation for Sexual and Gender Diversity and Rainbow Egypt Organization together launch their first event in a series throughout this month starting with the One Day One Struggle Campaign for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies.

odos-egypt-2

Under the slogan “My Gender, My Right”, these groups invite everyone to participate in the campaign on 9 November 2016 by blogging, writing, and tweeting under the hashtag #MyGender_MyRight to support Transgender/ Transsexual Rights. 

 

MALAYSIA

Women’s Aid Organization (WAO) is highlighting the importance of addressing women’s rights in the workplace, as part of a larger mobilization across the country towards the implementation of the Gender Equality Act that will domesticate the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.

WAO_CSBRODOS2016_2

Read More here: http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1598, and participate in the campaign by following Women’s Aid Organisation on Facebook @womens.aid.org, Twitter @womensaidorg and Instagram @womensaidorg.

 

 

INDONESIA

GN_ODOS2016GAYa NUSANTARA will be hosting a film screening of the documentary CALALAI: In-Betweenness, which was produced by the Ardhanary Institute in 2015, and explores historical and contemporary experiences of gender amongst the Bugis in South Sulawesi, Indonesia. The screening and discussion are a much needed intervention into the highly politicized and charged conversation about diversity in sexual orientations and gender identities in Indonesia.

Read more and watch the trailer here: http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1572

As part of an on-going Gender Justice Education project, KAPAL Perempuan has been working with economically and socially marginalized women to run Sekolah Perempuan (Women’s School) that builds leadership capacity and life skills. Over the years, KAPAL Perempuan has established over 130 Sekolah Perempuan across 6 provinces, 9 districts and 25 villages across Indonesia, and now has over 4,230 members. For this year’s One Day One Struggle campaign, KAPAL Perempuan began a documentary project on these women’s views on gender justice issues, and will be launching the trailer online. Stay tuned!

 

PAKISTAN

VISION will be hosting a street theatre performance on the sexual and bodily rights of transgender communities across Pakistan. These performances were the culmination of a five day participatory street theatre workshop VISION conducted with transwomen from 18-22 October 2016.

VISION_StreetTheatre_3

Throughout the five day workshop, participants discussed personal lived experiences, shared insights and analysis on how to challenge narratives and experiences of discrimination to realize sexual and bodily rights. Amidst these sessions, participants also learned the basics of street theatre and collectively developed the storyline and direction for the performance.

Read more and watch videos of previous performances here: http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1526

 

PALESTINE

Coinciding with Muntada – the Arab Forum for Sexuality, Education & Health‘s 10th Anniversary celebrations, Muntada is sharing the portraits from their participatory photovoice workshops with women activists.

400a0471-2

The Portraits explores multiple dimensions, bringing out the many faces of human strength, beauty and resilience. Check back soon to see the photos and read more about the project.

Women Against Violence (WAVO) will be holding a workshop addressing the current legal and policy contest around sexual assault, including assessing gains, losses and room for advocacy moving forward.

 

 

PHILIPPINES

PILIPINA Legal Resources Centre (PLRC), in collaboration with the Davao City Integrated Gender & Development Division, is hosting two dialogues with local legislators and policy makers, with the goal of developing the Implementation Rules & Regulations of the Davao City Anti-Discrimination Ordinance, as well as developing a city-wide action plan for more outreach activities for LGBT rights.

ODOS2016_PLRC

This marks the 3rd year that PLRC has worked for LGBT rights through the ODOS campaign. Read more about their strategy and activities here: http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1602

 

 

TUNISIA

Building on the momentum from last year, l’ATFD and friends have taken to social media and the streets to talk to people, share information and resources, and encourage people to speak up and speak out against sexual harassment on the streets.

ATFD_ODOS2016

This year they began actions on 1st November, and on 9th November the 2016 campaign concludes with a rendez-vous at the Golden Tulip Hotel to reflect on the actions taken, lessons learnt, and experiences shared. Don’t miss it!

Read more here:  http://www.csbronline.org/?p=1578 and check out their Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/Un-Jour-Un-Combat-996099703765811/?fref=ts for more details.

 

 

ACROSS CONTEXTS

As part of this year’s One Day One Struggle campaign, we are thrilled to be launching the first submissions to our #SexPleasureRights series.

SexPleasureRights_CSBR#SexPleasureRights seeks to create a space for conversation and curiosity on what it means to conceptualize sexual pleasure as an integral part of our advocacy towards sexual rights and human rights.

We’ll be launching the submissions online through social media, and on the new website sexpleasurerights.csbronline.org. Stay tuned for blogs, podcasts, short stories and more!

Keep up with us on Twitter @SexBodyRights and Facebook @CSBRonline and spread the news using #SexPleasureRights and #OneDayOneStruggle.

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As always, our appreciation and support to everyone who is participating in this years’ campaign, including groups who due to political instability had to cancel their events.